War by Alternate Means: Native American Boarding Schools in the 19th Century

  In the late 19th century, the United States saw the emergence of a multitude of government funded and operated boarding schools, as well as religiously operated boarding schools. Over 500 schools across 38 states operated between 1879 until approximately the mid 1960’s, each with a uniquely distinct student body. These residential schools were established, and systemically formulated in order to hold and ‘educate’ Native American children. A single common philosophy both connected and fueled each and every one of these boarding schools; “Kill the Indian, save the man”.[1] In 1879, Lieutenant Richard Henry Pratt was authorized by the United States government to establish the first school dedicated to ‘saving’ Native Americans as well as proving as a race, they can be educated. Pratt upheld the belief that through the process of assimilation into Anglo-American culture, Native Americans could successfully live and prosper among white standards of civilization and life. The Carlisle Indian Industrial School, founded in Carlisle Pennsylvania, was the first official government funded Indian boarding school of the time. This school was the first of many that would center the idea of assimilation through education as a saving grace for Native Americans and the Native American race. Children of these communities would be legally kidnapped, imprisoned and forced to attend these schools in an effort to put a stop to Indigenous lifestyles and its passage down to future generations, and destroy these customs and cultures to be replaced with a ‘civilized’ culture. Experiences across these institutions vary with few being considered positive and a majority ranging between poor and abysmal. While each school may have had its differences, their goals or philosophy remained constant, connecting them all through a shared objective; kill the Indian.  

Native American history after the introduction of white colonization becomes a tragic and violent segment of American and United States history. Regarded as simply a small facet of the larger, paler picture of American ideology, this history is constantly neglected, keeping it from deeper analysis and understanding. Primary sources such as records from the federal government or official school reports provide insight into a perspective that aims to justify these boarding schools, lasting damage and cultural genocide. Their goals of assimilation and cultural erasure (through violent means if deemed necessary by the offenders of said violence) is supported by an argument that paints a picture of righteousness, compassion and service. This concept is best recognized as a ‘white savior complex’ highlighting the incessant need to intervene by white communities in races and nations that did not ask nor need it. This argument, or perhaps better yet, this belief was that Native American populations were “savage”, particularly in comparison to Anglo-European standards. The culture, traditions, customs and people were positioned as less than that of white society and members of it, formally fixing whiteness at the top of a socio-racial hierarchy. As a result of this mentality, ‘saving’ these people and communities became understood as the duty of those who are properly ‘civilized’, and it is the duty of the educated, Christian and white to combat and correct Indigenous lifestyles. The belief was if Native ‘savages’ are to survive, they must do so through emanating civilization to the white standard, otherwise their barbaric ways of life would lead to their demise. Through the guise of salvation, white colonists believed the humane alternative to slaughtering Natives for their land and own peace of mind was to force Native children into schools that stripped them of their customs, cultures, identity, and in some cases, their lives. Is it possible to wage war through education? The United States in the 18th century saw the powerful emergence of these hostile Native American boarding schools, used as mechanisms of assimilation. Through these residential schools, Native American children resisted, conformed and lost their lives as a result of what could be considered alternative war. Alternative war, through education.

As with any historical line of study, approaches to research into the process, history and impacts of Native American boarding schools have varied. These variations are a result of influential social or political factors, becoming products that are farther in tune to their time period than historians may realize while they compile, and create. In addition to being influenced as well as an inevitable product of the time in which they were researched and written, historical works on a topic can also simulate a ‘road-map’ for modern historians to consider as an outline of comprehension on any given topic throughout history. Over the course of American history research and study, three major schools of thought have formed around the discourse of Native American boarding schools, each providing deeper insight into the broader understanding of this historical account.

The first school of thought is known as the ‘Traditional View’, as the title suggests, this school of thought is traditional in the sense of who is telling this story, how they are telling it and finally, why. This “view” is dominated by official government excerpts, and white influential individuals who often frame these schools as a natural process, essential for the benefit of America, (white) Americans and most importantly, the benefit of Native Americans. The traditionalist view is marked by the years of scholarly and historical work done prior to the 1960’s, before the federal government ended its participation in funding these residential academies in 1969. This historical view decidedly does not include first-hand testimonies of Indigenous children who experienced these institutions, or families who lost their younger members to these schools. As one may predict, these primary sources center the voices and testimonies of those who cannot critically analyze their own actions and ideologies as racist or misguided. More recent works in comparison to sources from the time, such as Church, State, and the American Indians: Indian Missions in the New Nations, published in 1966, include insight into the intersection between religion, and the ‘Indian mission’.[2] In this work, as well as similar works, authors such as Pierce Beaver tend to lack a critical understanding of the topic focusing mainly on the story of their formation from the perspective of those who formed them, even referring to the schools as a place where “Indians” could advance (or become accustomed to) their American conceptualizations of accepted morality.[3] This school of thought dominates a majority of American history related to this topic, with a shift in perspective arising as a result of an explosive Civil Rights era.

Less than five years after the publication of Beaver’s work, a new approach to Native American and Native American boarding school history began to take precedence. The second school of thought related to this historical line of inquiry is marked by the period of time between the 1970’s to the mid 1990’s. Known as the ‘Critical Revisionist View’, this school of thought shifts away from a narrative of justification and towards one that begins to emphasize the brutality and barbaric nature of Native American treatment throughout history. Rising in conjunction with Civil Rights movements and organizations, specifically the ‘Red Power’ movement, a civil rights movement advocating for the equal rights and protections of Native Americans in the United States and under the United States government. This view centers indigenous survivor testimonies, the role of systemic injustices and violence and prejudices rooted in white-supremacy. However, this school of thought still did not prioritize Indigenous authors, or historians to share their own history and experiences. The rise of this highly critical historical analysis particularly in association with the rise of Native American civil rights movements is a highly powerful influence to this line of historical study, and can be understood as a defining shifting factor between schools of thought and historical approaches to this historical narrative.

The third and final school of thought related to this history is known as the ‘Decolonizing Perspective’. This view and approach to Native American history and history of their schooling is marked by the late 1990’s, and is considered the current approach to this line of historical inquiry. This approach aims to center Native American scholars, testimonies and historians as the storytellers of their own history and experiences of their communities and people. This approach shifts beyond a view that creates a false image of Native American people as passive victims who simply accepted horrific treatment, with no agency or attempts of resistance against these oppressive and hostile practices. While these notions of history are not excluded in this modern approach, more focus is lent to examples of Indigenous children who survived, resisted and fought back against forced assimilation, in an attempt to uphold and retain their identities and culture. This school of thought is part of a historical movement committed to help aid in the healing of historically marginalized and oppressed communities by empowering members who  share identities with those who faced gross oppression. This perspective is helping Native populations to reclaim and properly share their stories, even for a portion of history that was directly dedicated to destroying those same identities.

If the United States waged war through a Trojan Horse of education, one might find it important to reasonably define war in order to compare the concepts. War is defined by the use of violence and force through a nation’s military in pursuit of a political goal.[4] This definition is slightly contradictory to what one might imagine would be the technical meaning or definition of what characterizes a war. One might assume war is characterized by a battlefield, strategy, weaponry and bloodshed, all of which carry a portion of truth to them however, all of which additionally paint the picture of literal war or more accurately, battle. In addition to force, for a conflict to be considered war, it typically includes a sense of organized force or strategy as opposed to violence alone. Furthermore, war typically carries with it destruction, death and widespread violence against an understood enemy. When researching this history, these characteristics can be reasonably applied to the story of Indigenous residential schools, leading one to a chilling conclusion of academic hostility against a community, through the youngest members of said community.

One might find themselves questioning why an Indigenous guardian would be willing to send their child, in a majority of cases, off their reservation and far away from home to be schooled by white people. The answer is fairly simple and most likely predictable if one has prior historical knowledge of American or Native American history. It was not a choice. Prior to complete federal involvement through policy and funding, all Native boarding schools were operated privately, most by Catholic institutions[5] with the distant support of state and federal governments. Towards the end of the 19th century marks the beginning of the federal government and Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) efforts to become more centrally involved in this process of ‘educating’ Native Americans through existing Indian policy. This existing Indian policy originally belonged to the Secretary of War and the same department, due to a contested past and relationship prior even to this time.[6] Eventually, this Bureau was converted to the Department of the Interior (DOI) which took and continues to take responsibility for issues related to Native Nations and their reservations, including issues of legality, sovereignty and United States government outreach. Through the BIA and efforts of the federal government, policies regarding Native American education began to take root. Treaties between Indigenous nations such as the Sioux agreed to these educational practices, considering them a service of the United States government to Native communities and their children as well as their futures. Motivated by a desire for more territory, the idea was an ‘educated Indian’ required less land than a ‘wild Indian,’ this idea contrasted the belief that Native Americans were incapable of civilization, eventually pushing for more involvement and support from both the government and public.[7] Policies enacted by the federal government through the Bureau of Indian Affairs required Indian children of the appropriate age to be taken from their homes and families to attend these schools via “proper means”.[8] These policies were not originally considered priority by many states and institutions, however in 1887 a series of legislations passed through the BIA, including the Dawes Act (1887), made eluding federal school requirements for children and families more difficult. Additionally, the Dawes Act officially and legally allowed for said ‘proper means’ of removal and relocation to these residential campuses in question, to be that of force. Federal and state officials now had given themselves legal standing over sovereign communities to essentially kidnap Indigenous children from their families and reservations and force them to attend a school that would strip them of their cultural identity against their will.

The United States government made no mistake when targeting the youngest members of Native American tribes through their boarding schools.[9] This approach was extremely plotted and strategized in order to achieve two specific socio-political objectives towards the advancement of a white-centric American society. The ulterior motives of the United States behind helping Indigenous populations are both straightforward and ambiguous. The first that one might consider ‘straightforward’ is the deep-rooted desire to expand westward and expand the territory of the United States, a desire that established Native Americans as obstacles rather than people, who had been occupying the land first. The second, possibly more ambiguous motive is rooted in racial and racist ideologies tactically carried out and enacted by the federal government through these institutions in order to position white people, the culture, religion and customs sternly at the top of a social and political hierarchy. Due to the fact that education became the popular alternative to strategized murder because of economic concerns held by the federal government, if Native Americans and white colonizers were expected to be neighbors, an ideal of superiority and inferiority would need to be instilled through acculturation. Prior to the Dawes Act, otherwise known as the General Allotment Act, the accepted form of schooling for Native children was the typical day school. Children would go to school in the morning, and return home to their families in the evening, much like schooling as one may understand it today. However, concerns began to arise from officials and citizens alike, claiming that children could not fully avoid a “savage” upbringing if they simply return home to continue to be raised by their ‘uncivilized’ families and communities. In order to combat these concerns, the shift from day schools to residential schools was officially made, under this new strategy Native children would be taken from their homes and reservations at a young age, and allowed to return only after they reached the age of a young adult and completed their education. For an overwhelming majority of schools, this would mean students would not be allowed much, if any, contact with home, family or guardians nor would they be allowed visits. Essentially, this tactic was to ensure Native children would be completely isolated from their community and heritage. In this way, these children could be enclosed in a bubble of whiteness with little to no prospects of maintaining or learning their own cultural identity and effectively being fully indoctrinated into a white-centric society and culture. This shift was accompanied by the forceful nature in which the federal government employed its military to kidnap children and forcefully remove and relocate them to these residential institutions. Acculturation was no longer optional nor enforced leniently. This approach and these legislative acts also coincided with a new desire of the United States to begin taking individual records and consensuses of Native American people and communities on reservations.[10] With this angle, it would be difficult for Native children to avoid being taken or accounted for when it came time for them to be enrolled in school. Additionally, the United States government would have complete access to files and records containing nearly every one of their ‘enemies’ individually. It is clear in this way that these schools were not established in pursuit of “moral, intellectual, and social improvement of the Indians,”[11] as it was framed by official federal reports. This approach, or strategy, can better be understood as a piece of a larger plan that aimed to destroy Native populations through the education of their youngest members of their societies.

The transfer from day to residential schooling signifies the lengths of control the United States government would take in regards to Native American assimilation education. Through this use of military force and the passage of the Allotment Act, the federal government aimed and successfully accomplished an objective of disbanding and fracturing unity among tribes in order to replace tribal lands with more allotted land and space to the government for the use of its citizens.[12] By kidnapping and isolating the youngest members of a tribe, oppressors instilled a sense of fear in Native communities, fear of their children’s wellbeing, as well as extended violence against themselves and their communities back home. This political motive of land expansion is quite clear through the process of isolation, acculturation and resulting negotiations and land seizure. Dismantling the community from within through a process of separation between the younger and older generations in the community was not the only tactic exercised by United States and institutional officials. Through their white education and process of assimilation, ideologies of community reservations were replaced with the idea of individual land ownership, and farming as a means of life and prosperity. With more and more Native Americans choosing to own their own smaller plots of land to build and live on with their families in contrast to returning to their reservations and communities, which was highly discouraged by their new society as well as school officials following their graduation from these schools and departure into society as Americans.[13] With fewer Indigenous children returning home, advocacy and ownership over land became increasingly difficult and negotiations between Native nations and the federal government led to further expansion and apprehension of Native territory.[14] Through force, fear and a tactic of assimilation, the federal government and residential institutions effectively established a system that would inevitably create a vacuum of land for their enjoyment and usage. It is clear that a direct result and motive of schooling hinged on what could be gained by the United States and the society that was being established through what was being instilled in Native children, as well as proceeding negotiations and land gained for the country.

As one can observe in American history, studies of oppression and marginalization from one major group against another, are typically that of a racial basis. American history is plagued by systems and institutions put into place to uphold a racial and social hierarchy, fixing white people and whiteness at the top. Since the conceptualization of race and the ‘othering’ mentality[15] that came as a result of its invention – which was used as a justification for oppression – race has been a harbinger of violence and conflict throughout the history of the United States. Since European colonizers arrived in America, race has acted as a powerful driving force for much of the darkest parts of the country’s history, including that of the actions taken aggressively towards Native Americans. These actions were not taken simply against Indigenous people, but as a community with their own customs, deeply established and rooted on the lands desired for white colonizers and their own communities.

Race alone as an invention or discernible identifying factor does not necessarily bear conflict. Racism and proposed racial hierarchy, while a result of the invention of race, it is this decided intolerance that truly bears conflict and inevitable violence. Racism is the true centraldriving principle behind these boarding schools, and for people such as Lieutenant Richard Henry Pratt, it was this ideology of difference, status and inferiority that supported the belief that whiteness is superior to all others. It was important to white Americans that this hierarchy be established and not just understood, but agreed upon by Natives through an education that is both fueled by and teaches racism.[16] This racist ‘fuel’ helps to feed the idea that Native communities are placed significantly beneath white people and white culture and therefore must be saved, whether these nations are open to their ‘help’ or not.[17] Founded on the idea that Native children and people must be saved by erasing their current customs and cultures in order to make room for the decidedly superior white culture, these schools needed to integrate concepts of racial hierarchy in order to justify the steps and actions taken in pursuit and inside the walls of these residential schools. Furthermore, justification was not only a necessity for these schools to operate and function externally, but internally among the student body as well. If this was something that Indigenous nations and people were opposed to, or resisted against, the need to ‘help’ them was so great, it would turn to violence, coercion and force.

For as long as humans have worshiped gods and practiced religion, there have been conflicts, violence and war fueled by faith. Religion has long been a harbinger of violence, battle and adversity – and the experiences and history of Indigenous people in Native American boarding schools are no exception. The religious and cultural practices of Indigenous nations and people were yet another facet of society that was considered inferior to the white-centric society that was being forced into place for all inhabitants of the United States. Due to the earliest boarding schools being privately owned and operated by Protestant and Catholic institutions through the support of little federal funding, one might recognize the weight religion held on the process of assimilation. Religion guided virtuous civilized Anglo-American culture, similarly, religion guided the ‘savage’ culture of Native Americans, therefore religious assimilation was one of top priority since the original establishment of these residential schools.[18] To force entire nations – each with their own religious customs and traditions – to conform to a single, Christian form of religion, is an attack in itself. It is a blatant attempt to try and conquer an entire group of people from the inside out starting with their faith, which guided much of their lifestyle, especially at the time. This point becomes increasingly clear when one begins to consider the strategy behind educating children, and not physically battling adults for socio-religious dominance. 

Today, public schools, public education systems and even private education systems all vary in a multitude of ways. Schools within the same state and district can find themselves with less in common – in terms of process, administration, structure to name a few – than they would have originally thought. This same concept applies to that of these residential schools. The main differences between the ‘types’ of these schools lies with religion. Some schools were operated by Catholic institutions and managed by Catholic immigrant nuns, others centralized Protestant religious beliefs, similarly being operated by nuns, and finally very few academic institutions that were federally operated, minimized or disposed of the inclusion of religious assimilation practices. In author, educator and historian James T. Carroll’s work,[19] he researches the unique perspective of Catholic boarding schools and the nuns who managed them in the assimilation efforts of Indigenous children. The schools he focused on were primarily situated in both North and South Dakota, with the majority of their students being that of Sioux heritage. These institutions uncommonly created an atmosphere of compromise, and the women who ran them permitted much of the student body’s culture and customs to be maintained, even within the borders of campus in what is considered a sincere attempt to blend Catholicism and Sioux culture.[20] What was allowed was that which was deemed ‘acceptable’ or, in other words, not “too savage” to the average white American. What one might find most questionable is that the nuns managing these schools were hired by the federal government to “Americanize” Native children, when they themselves were new to American culture and society as immigrants. Hailing from countries such as Germany, France and Switzerland and finding themselves in these schools upon arrival, one might ponder what qualifications an immigrant who is new to America might have for teaching American values and customs? Had the main goal of these schools been to ‘Americanize’ or civilize Indigenous children, it seems the proper way to achieve this would be through American educators. However, the federal government’s consistent use of immigrant Catholic nuns symbolizes an ulterior motive, of which prioritizes not American culture, but whiteness or white culture. Even for immigrant religious women, who knew nothing more of the culture the United States was attempting to establish than Indigenous children and communities, they were trusted and hired due to their similar customs, and more importantly similar appearances.

Wars are not waged or fought without the intention of a political acquisition. Whether it be retaliation, land, resources or defense (among others), war is not fought with the intention to lose money, resources and lives. The United States federal government’s usage of boarding schools as a mechanism of assimilation into white culture was an attempt to erase an entire culture and the identities of those who belonged to it. The goal was to better suit Native ‘savages’ to live alongside white settlers, as opposed to the justification used, characterized as beneficial to Natives. The point of the schools in fact was not to ‘save the man’ but rather more specifically to ‘kill the Indian,’ in terms of each part of their identity, culture and religion in an attempted cultural genocide.[21] All actions taken and procedures formed are indicative of a goal aimed towards destroying the culture as well as the passage of culture to future generations. If white colonizers were expected to continue their expansion west and share lands with Native Americans, the only feasible way for this to happen would be if they assimilated to white standards. When applied to the concept of war, the political goal here can be recognized as instituting a society based on a racial hierarchy through an aggressive, ‘educational’ process of cultural genocide. This idea of genocide was hidden behind a guise of service, protection and prosperity for the Native nations, however in reality it was yet another attack on their lifestyle, representing nothing but an attitude of disparagement deeply rooted in a natural aversion to those who are ‘different’, or to put more simply, not white. This was a way to “kill the Indian” with the moral burden of literally taking their lives, or the economic burden of a physical genocide.[22] 

            The overwhelming employment of foreign educators and nuns in these institutions is a clear display of the United States priorities in ‘Americanizing’ and ‘civilizing’ Native Americans. It was all too common that white immigrant women would arrive in America and immediately begin work in these residential schools in an effort to help civilize these populations.[23] What one might find interesting about this dynamic is the fact that these immigrant women themselves, were not American. Similarly, new to the culture and customs the United States was building and abiding by, one might assume them unfit to the teachers of a society they themselves were not a part of. The difference between these immigrant women and Native Americans lies solely in the color of their skin and the closer resemblance their society and cultures operated. Through the usage and employment of women from countries such as Germany and Switzerland[24] to ‘Americanize’ Native Americans, the United States was establishing more than a mechanism of civilization, but rather a mechanism establishing white superiority. In teaching these children the civil American way, what was being instilled in reality was a sense of whiteness as a fixed priority to American culture, as well as an internal opposition to their own heritage. It is clear that Americans looked down upon the entirety of Indigenous culture and way of life and went to extreme lengths to replace an entire race and ethnic identity in pursuit of dominance. Because priorities shifted from genocide to assistane due to concerns of costs in order to overtake Native land, this meant white populations would be expected to neighbor with Native populations. In this case, it seems “save the man” was intended more for the white man and his peace of mind of what he finds acceptable, rather than the true benefit of Indigenous children and communities. These schools, above all, were established to “civilize” Native Americans, based on what Anglo-American settlers considered civilized by their own standards of living. Additionally, in doing so the racial hierarchy was instilled even deeper into the fabric of United States government and society. The United States government took the opportunity of schooling to instill this sense of white superiority in non-white students, creating what is essentially brainwashed individuals, forced into abiding by standards of a society that depends on their oppression.

            Primary sources from students during their time in these residential schools provide many interesting insights, in both what could be considered a positive and negative light. Author and professor of Native American literature Jacqueline Emery’s work, Recovering Native American Writings in the Boarding School Press, compiles a wide arrangement of primary accounts of students in school newspapers. The papers are sourced from a few schools, as not many allowed their students a school press. The papers were student run and featured many different submissions from their student body. The sources and newspapers include short stories as a way to maintain cultural heritage through storytelling, as well as editorials from students based on their opinion of schooling and what they were being taught and more. Things like a school newspaper became an outlet for students to maintain their identities as Native Americans, or find a platform to express themselves as new Americans. In this way, sources such as this provide a look into forms of both resistance and full assimilation from the students who experienced this education first hand. One source written by a young Native school boy, details the way in which he now looks down upon Native customs and culture in comparison to white society and Christianity. Joseph Du Bray uses words such as “Indian”, “civilized”, and “foolish”[25] when describing Native customs, of which he was once a part of with a clear recollection of events, and some formative upbringing. “Before the Indians became civilized they used to have foolish accustoms. I will tell you a few of them…”[26] It is clear the language Du Bray chooses here and his opinion on the subject matter are a result of his upbringing and education. Referring to himself and his people as ‘Indians’ as opposed to their actual Native nationality would have been something that was reiterated in his schooling, including the belief that prior to United States intervention, Native nations were uncivilized. Furthermore, the use of the word “foolish” against his own customs, which he recounts with clear memory of living with and being taught prior to his time at school, is highly indicative of an environment that emphasized the idea that being Native and Native culture was significantly inferior to white culture. Without the intervention of the United States and religious missionaries, would Du Bray have ever felt this way about his own culture, heritage and people? Would he truly have considered white culture superior to his as he implies, without the efforts of assimilation and brainwashing provided by the United States government? Sources such as Du Pray’s provide one with the ability to see the actual successful results of assimilation on individuals and how it would come to benefit the United States and its ideologies of white superiority. 

            Does it seem wise to send a child to a school with its own cemetery? The implications of an on-site cemetery are grim, and while the practice itself was not uncommon, it is who is being laid to rest in these cemeteries that are cause for concern. More commonly reserved for religious institutions, religious leaders and staff, schools reserved for the acculturation of Indigenous youth confronted a death toll that centered around the student body, as opposed to staff.

Nearly every residential school had its own graveyard, most likely initially intended for the use of staff, the cemeteries quickly became overpopulated with students who would lose their lives to abuse, disease, neglect and mistreatment.[27] These institutions were framed and justified as constructive and valuable to the civilization and successful lifestyle of Native Americans, though, were this genuinely the case one might safely conclude that the students here would not be losing their lives at a steep rate due to neglect. This was due in part to conditions of the school and school life for children as a result of frugal and abusive practices. The idea had been presented that schooling Native children would cost half the price of which it would cost to engage in war with Native Nations. Projected costs to take the life of a single native were seen at 1 million dollars, whereas educating the native would cost about $1,200.[28] These economic concerns fueled an ideology that separated violence from the education being inflicted upon Native children and by extension, their Nations. For American policy makers as well as school and government officials, it was the cheapest, most virtuous form of war that could be conceptualized against the entirety of the Native American population in the United States. The frugal practices in question are gross examples of neglect against children who were regarded as disposable due simply to their heritage and ethnicity. Proper nutrition, food preparation and food services to the children were not commonplace across these schools, leading to hundreds of students dying as a result of malnutrition or starvation, in fact, it was more common for institutions to use food as rewards and punishments.[29] In addition to improper meal services, students were provided with poor clothing that was not suitable for weather or disease ridden conditions. Furthermore, it was no beneficial factor that an overwhelming majority of these institutions experienced overcrowding to levels that proved hazardous for student health and the spread of disease.[30] If the goal was to ‘save’ Indigenous children’s lives through assimilative education, how could circumstances be so poor that they could go so far as to take them?  In order to manage the death toll at a single boarding school, school officials would send a child who was near death, home to their families and guardians so as not to add to their rising tallies.[31] While this was not the case for all schools – some being much kinder to their students and their students’ culture[32] – an overwhelming majority of these schools were guilty of mistreating students in a multitude of ways. The justification of a white man’s ‘salvation’ does not stand in the face of the conditions of neglect and loss of life that resulted. It is clear that those who were in a position of power to establish these dynamics regarded the schools as a cheaper, nicer, alternative to war. However given the extreme levels of neglect, it seems that the goal of assimilating or “killing” the ‘Indian’ were of a higher priority than the wellbeing, and even lives,  of children.

            School is meant to be regarded as a safe space for children, to provide them care and assurance for their lives and more importantly, their futures. Based on records and sources, one can only conclude that this was not the case nor the goal of a single Native American boarding school established. Sadly, neglect and poor conditions were not the only causes for concern a child might hold while attending one of these institutions. Cases of physical, sexual and emotional abuse were all too common for an overwhelming majority of institutes and students. Due to the federal foundations of these institutions and the fact that their existence is dependent on a mentality of racial and cultural inferiority, accountability for these instances of abuse were virtually non-existent.[33] The violence faced and experienced are indicative of a system whose primary goal is not to benefit Natives as individuals, or a race. Given the fact that the true nature of these schools was to act as a backdoor for a physical war, in a more creative process of destruction and land seizure as opposed to a violent one,[34] mistreatment and death were no cause for concern nor investigation at the federal or institutional level. One educator, John Boone[35] was accused and found guilty by the Federal Bureau of Investigation for sexually assaulting over 140 young Native school boys, and faced zero repercussions by the Hopi School, where he worked or the federal government. Accounts and accusations of abuses of any kind from students against faculty are sporadic, due largely in part to the fact that these accusations were ignored and remained uninvestigated by school officials in attempts to protect their staff. Additionally, due to the lack of federal protection from instances such as sexual abuse, schools would not only choose to not reprimand staff, but outwardly refuse.[36] The lack of basic human protections in these institutions from both the federal government as well as school officials paint a haunting picture of what the average life was like for students, and what these children experienced daily, for years. It seems that based on the average treatment, these schools were considered less of schools and more of housing institutions, where crime against Native youth was acceptable on account of an education that was not for them but an act of violence against them, and their culture. Because America and white Americans had a strong desire to continue to expand west, and needed a morally permissible and cheap alternative to genocide, there was little regard for their protection and well-being. In short, the experience at these schools was extremely violent and devastatingly poor, and as one can presume, not because it is the ideal learning environment. Rather, conditions and experiences were so dreadful for a majority of students who attended because it was not about their education, but control, under white dominance and a racial hierarchy that centralized white superiority. In a society by this design, Anglo-American populations could find themselves in a place where abuse was acceptable, of which many would take advantage in an ongoing conflict of culture and territory. Modern federal and historical investigations estimate the cost of young children’s lives to be nearly 1,000, across over 500 schools, many of whose families were never informed and their bodies buried in unmarked graves. Actions that much more reflect a singular goal of ‘killing the Indian’ rather than saving them, in any regard.

            Given the mistreatment, the widespread philosophy and the assimilative nature of these schools, it is no surprise that Indigenous students and adults alike, resisted this overwhelming oppressive force. Unfortunately, as discussed earlier, attending these schools was not a matter of choice for Native American children or their guardians after the passage of the Dawes Act in 1887. People are not prone to comply with oppressive powers, nor do they resist in the face of systems that are harmless to their well being.[37] In order for a conflict to reach a level of war, there must be two sides fighting, and Native American populations fought despite narratives that portray them as docile or accepting of oppressive powers. Not all Native Americans were resistant, some embracing the ‘help’ of the United States and assimilation into a white culture, however a vast majority did not accept this treatment and tried to the best of their abilities to fight back, or hold on to their heritage. If resistance to attendance was no longer  plausible, Native children would find ways to resist within the walls and confines of the school. Finding ways to maintain their identities, culture, traditions and language by any means they could conceive, while simultaneously avoiding detection and repercussions from school officials. Some forms of student defiance can be understood as more positive in efforts of cultural maintenance. These efforts would lead to the development of a ‘sub-culture’ among students that was formed in direct defiance of strict school rules and regulations, as well as neglect.[38] The crime of stealing became common among schools and integrated into this resistant subculture, in an effort to combat mistreatment that would inevitably lead to malnutrition and starvation for many Native children. Stealing and sharing of food to combat hunger was a defining characteristic of community and resistance among these schools, bringing students together in support of each other, against what they felt and recognized as oppressive forces.[39] The frequency of reported instances of stealing and organization among students to work together to steal is representative of how often large numbers of students were abused through food at the direct hands of these institutions. Another common form of resistance across schools was the usage of Native language despite its usage being forbidden in favor of the English language. Older students would guide younger students, teaching them when it was safest to speak and how to successfully avoid being caught by school officials.[40] In these ways, community and culture was able to be maintained in secret, providing at least a partial positive outlet for indigenous children to maintain their identities and connections.

Connection, community and heritage were not the only forms of resistance taken by the students of these boarding schools. Suicide was highly common as a form of escape for many Indigenous children attending these institutions and experiencing their brutal realities.[41] Conditions so poor and dire that they lead children to a point where the best possible means of escape is death. These systems were not designed with the best interest of these communities and children in mind. In order to resist mistreatment, abuse or rejection from the major Anglo-American society taking over the entire territory of the United States, some students would even attempt to run away from home, despite the design of these schools being specifically that prospects of making it back to their home reservations were dim due to their distance from reservations. When caught, students who attempted to flee the schools would be punished severely, reports of shaven heads were common as a result of this attempted escape.[42] Another account of harsh punishment shares the experience at a school where “language offenders,” or students who had been caught speaking their native language, would be punished routinely by having a needle stuck through their tongue.[43] In some cases resistance was successful and in others, it added to the misery being faced by these young indigenous children.

The tragic story of Native American oppression at the hands of the United States federal, state and local governments, as well as its citizens operating under the influence of a deep-rooted white-centric American hierarchy, is still a very prevalent issue indigenous communities face in contemporary times. Federal financial support for Native American boarding schools and Native American education was officially concluded in 1969, coinciding with the rise of the Red Power movement in the late 1960’s, a civil rights movement fighting for the equality and rights of Indigenous communities and people. However, oppression against these communities did not end with the conclusion of financial support. Traces of racism and generational trauma both contribute to startling statistics of poverty, suicide, mental health and racial violence faced by the Native American community today. Psychological and historical studies reveal the connections between these shocking statistics of life for Native individuals and communities and the historical violence and oppression they have faced for centuries, continuing well into the twenty-first century. Studies reveal the psychological effects of intergenerational trauma of Native residential schools, being that of a lack of compassion.[44] An analysis of this effect furthermore extends into higher risks overall of ‘negative behavioral patterns’ including substance abuse.[45] Trauma related to this history results in a mentality of ‘historical loss’ shared among members of a historically marginalized group.[46] This mentality feeds into the issues related to low self esteem and that of loss, loss of land, family, culture, autonomy and more can deeply affect the mental health of not one single person, but an entire community. Given the cause and effect relationship between United States intervention, followed by the United States’ abandonment of a community that was cultivated to be dependent on their oppressors,[47] coupled with over 100 years of an education designed to instill deficit ideologies of identity within thousands of members of a single community, it comes as no surprise that Native communities face such negative circumstances of life on a grand scale. The United States was highly successful in their objective to dismantle and destroy their ‘enemy’ to a degree that is still felt to this day. Furthermore, had the call for Native equality not been so powerful during the Red Power movement, the United States may have continued their funding of Native educational institutions. Oppression against Native communities was not simply a ‘product of the times’ so to speak, rather a system that was intentionally established and continues to be intentionally benefited off of by people and communities in positions of power.

  In an article published by The Washington Post in 2024, researchers spent a year investigating the true number of lives lost in, and at the hands of these residential schools, and furthermore, by the federal government.[48] The official number reported by the United States government was close to 1,000 lives lost, through an investigation of official government and school documents, as well as testimonies and sources of students who attended these schools, the Washington Post’s research team and investigation revealed the true nature of death resulting from these school was more accurately, well over 3,000. This research highlights many troubling aspects that further illustrate the cruelty of these institutions, as well as the United States government and people. Records indicate that around 800 of these children lost their lives and were buried on school property in unmarked graves, many having died with no notice home to inform family. Additionally, the intentional, or unintentional inaccuracy of the reported death toll further emphasizes the continued disregard the United States government had, and has for Native communities. The loss experienced is a direct result of American intervention, and colonization. Research and analysis today into the history, impacts, and reparations surrounding assimilative residential schools continue to reveal the brutal treatment and negative effects Native children faced. Historical authors and researchers that can be considered part of the decolonizing historiographical perspective such as Judi Gaiashkibos help to shine a light on the violence and cruel nature of these schools, and how it affected children and for Gaiashkibos, family; “These were not schools, they were prison camps. They were work camps.”[49] The inability to take full accountability and accurately represent the lives of children lost, even as recently as 2024, further emphasizes the success of this racist educational strategy of centering whiteness in American culture, as well as domination over the multiple nations of people deemed ‘savage’. Continued investigation into this harsh history also highlights the continued impacts that are still very much felt by indigenous communities today, who continue their effort in framing these schools out of a perspective of education and into violence, or more accurately, war against Native Americans.

The history of Native American boarding schools is one of violence, force, assimilation and white superiority. The children who attended these institutions experienced exploitation, abuse and mistreatment in a variety of ways, simply because staff and officials could treat them this way, and accepted it because they had effectively positioned them as people lower than that of white people. The United States government employed the usage of their military to forcefully relocate and kidnap children from their homes and reservations, to specifically brainwash and assimilate them into what was deemed ‘civilized culture’. This system and process was unkind and cruel, with thousands of children dying under the care of government funded schools that forced them against their will to attend. Using the children for exhausting work and starving them of food to the point where they began to band together and steal food can not be framed as beneficial for their lives and futures as Americans, of which they never asked nor necessarily agreed to be. Targeting the youth in order to instill fear, dismantle unity from within, and use this fracturing of community to further negotiate more and more land for the allotment of the United States was the purpose of these institutions. Additionally, brainwashing the youth into believing white culture is superior to their own, and even accepting their lower position in this hierarchical society based on race. In order to save money, and remain moral in some ways, while still gaining what was desired, boarding schools designed specifically to educate and assimilate Native youth were the perfect way to carry out “killing the Indian”. In order to cater to the comfort of Anglo-Americans who would be living side by side with Natives, their dominance would have to be solidified in a new American order. These tactics, strategies, mindsets and approaches paint a picture of violent assault on a community to a shockingly high degree. Rather than engage in a war with weapons, ‘man versus man’, it was an alternative war of ideology and identity. The United States attacked their enemy through their impressionable, youngest   generations and abused them into compliance and assimilation in order to achieve a society, social rank and allotments of land that were acceptable, and beneficial for the white majority. 

Native American history after the introduction of white colonizers is one of the darkest and most negative parts of the United States and Native American history. The mistreatment of these children can only be understood as an act of war against Native Americans, in a way that was more morally acceptable than blatant violence and bloodshed. The abuse faced in these institutions cannot be justified as beneficial or useful methods of learning by any means, leading only to harm, death and trauma that extends beyond generations and affects the lives of Native individuals, communities and relations with the United States government today. The mistreatment and little regard for the well-being and lives of indigenous youth, coupled with the resulting socio-geographical gain won by the United States was no mistake. The educational residential institutions may have been framed as beneficial and supportive of Native success and longevity of the race, however actions and results speak of a different narrative.

In order to secure Natives into the lowest rungs of a white centric society, seize their land and finally, legally abuse and murder them, (all while remaining financially conscious) these schools were established. How could the exploitation of students for physical labor relate to the language they speak or the religion they follow? While not all schools shared the same horrors of violence, some even being fairly positive places, the goal was always the same: “Kill the Indian, save the man.” Had concerns of faith and costs been different, or balanced in the opposite direction the call to war would have been much clearer and far less sneaky. The purpose of these institutions, above all, was to enact war against an entire people and their way of life in a subtle, yet nearly equally violent manner. In this way the United States effectively waged an alternate form of war, through the guise of salvation and education.

Native American history is one of, if not the most neglected history of the Americas. For most American students, the chances of learning more about Native Americans past the fictitious happy narrative of the first thanksgiving is rather slim. Educators of history, both future and present, have the opportunity to join the historical reconciliation movement that has arisen with the decolonizing perspective of Native American histories. Truth is of the utmost importance in the history classroom if we are to help students better understand the present through the history of their home. Secondary students are not in need of a sugar coated narrative of history, and would much more benefit from an understanding of history that faces the truth, even the darkest  parts head on, instead of sweeping them aside to maintain a happy image of the United States. Furthermore, as previously mentioned Native populations face some of the most grim statistics of any other group in the United States, due in part to the history of assimilation boarding schools, as well as many more aspects of history that continue to go untold. It is important for educators to learn and acknowledge these histories, not only in pursuit of historical reconciliation, but to analyze and understand the many ways in which schooling can be used as a tool for success, as well as manipulation. In a time where teaching history is as contested as ever, it has never been more important to understand education in this way, to ensure it is being taught for the good of our students, and not for ulterior motives.

References

Adams, David. Education for Extinction: American Indians and the Boarding School     Experience, 1875-1928. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1995.

Beaver, R. Pierce. Church, State, and the American Indians: Indian Missions in the New Nations. Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1966.

Carroll, James. Seeds of Faith: Catholic Indian Boarding Schools. New York: Garland Publishing Inc., 2000.

Crawford, Neta C. “What Is War Good for? Background Ideas and Assumptions about the Legitimacy, Utility, and Costs of Offensive War.” British Journal of Politics and International Relations 18, no. 2 (2016): 282–99. https://doi.org/10.1177/1369148115613662.

Devens, Carol. “If We Get the Girls, We Get the Race: Missionary Education of Native American Girls.” Journal of World History. Vol. 3, No. 2 (1992).

Emery, Jacqueline, ed. Recovering Native American Writings in the Boarding School Press. University of Nebraska Press, 2020.

Haig-Brown, Celia. Resistance and Renewal: Surviving the Indian Residential School. Canada: Tillacum Library, 1988.

Henriksson, Markku. The Indian on Capitol Hill: Indian Legislation and the United States Congress, 1862-1907. Helsinki: Finnish Historical Society, 1988.

Hill, Edward, E. Guide to Records in the National Archives of the United States Relating to American Indians. Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Service, 1981.

Lomawaima, K. Tsianina, Bryan McKinley Jones Brayboy, and Teresa L. McCarty. “Editors’ Introduction to the Special Issue: Native American Boarding School Stories.” Journal of American Indian Education 57, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 1–10. https://doi.org/10.1353/jaie.2018.a798593.

McBride, Preston. “Indian Boarding School Deaths, Burial Sites Far Exceed U.S. Government Counts.” Washington Post, December 22, 2024. https://www.washingtonpost.com/investigations/interactive/2024/native-american-deaths-burial-sites-boarding-schools/.

Piccard, Ann. Death by Boarding School: The Last Acceptable Racism and the United States’ Genocide of Native Americans. Gonzaga Law Review 49, no. 1 (2013-2014): 137-[vi]

Sebwenna-Painter, Kaitlyn, Amoneeta Beckstein, Sue Kraus, “Psychological Impacts of Historic Loss and Current Events Surrounding American Indian Boarding Schools.” American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research. Vol. 30, 2023. https://coloradosph.cuanschutz.edu/docs/librariesprovider205/journal_files/vol30/30_2_2023_1_sebwenna-painter.pdf.

Smith, Andrea. “Boarding School Abuses, Human Rights, and Reparations”. Social Justice 31, no. 4 (2004): 89-102. https://login.tcnj.idm.oclc.org/login?url=https://www.proquest.com/scholarly-journals/boarding-school-abuses-human-rights-reparations/docview/231920785/se-2.

United States. Office of Indian Affairs: Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, for the Year 1891. 60th (1891). 


[1] David W. Adams, Education for Extinction: American Indians and the Boarding School Experience, 1875–1928. (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1995), 56.

[2] Pierce R. Beaver. Church, State, and the American Indians: Indian Missions in the New Nations. (Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1966).

[3] Beaver, Church, State, and the American Indians, 25.

[4] Neta C. Crawford, What is War Good For? Background Ideas and Assumptions About the Legitimacy, Utility, and Costs of Offensive War, 18 (The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 2016).

[5] Markku Henriksson, The Indian on Capitol Hill: Indian Legislation and the United States Congress, 1862-1907. (Helsinki: Finnish Historical Society, 1988), 96.

[6] Henriksson, The Indian on Capitol Hill, 21.

[7] Henriksson, The Indian on Capitol Hill, 98.

[8] United States Office of Indian Affairs, Annual report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, for the year 1891, 60th. (Washington D.C.: Office of Indian Affairs, 1891).

[9] Carol Devens, Journal of World History, “If We Get the Girls, We Get the Race: Missionary Education of Native American Girls”, 3. (Hawaii: University of Hawaii), 223.

[10] Edward E. Hill, Guide to Records in the National Archives of the United States Relating to American Indians. (Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Service, 1981), 29.

[11] Hill, Guide to Records in the National Archives of the United States Relating to American Indians, 30.

[12] Hill, Guide to Records in the National Archives of the United States Relating to American Indians, 29.

[13] David Adams, Education for Extinction: American Indians and the Boarding School Experience, 1875-1928. (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1995), 301.

[14] Hill, Guide to Records in the National Archives of the United States Relating to American Indians, 155.

[15] Tsianina K. Lomawaima, Bryan McKinley Jones Brayboy, and Teresa L. McCarty, Editors’ Introduction to the Special Issue: Native American Boarding School Stories, Journal of American Indian Education 57, no. 1. (Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 2018).

[16] Ann Piccard, Death by Boarding School: The Last Acceptable Racism and the United States’ Genocide of Native Americans, no. 1. (Gonzaga Law Review 49), 141.

[17] Piccard, Death by Boarding School.

[18] Beaver, Church, State, and the American Indians.

[19] James T. Carroll, Seeds of Faith: Catholic Indian Boarding Schools. (New York: Garland Publishing Inc., 2000).

[20] Carroll, Seeds of Faith, 170.

[21] Piccard, Death by Boarding School, 155.  

[22] Andrea Smith, Boarding School Abuses, Human Rights, and Reparations. (Social Justice Vol. 31, No. 4, 2004), 90.

[23] Carroll, Seeds of Faith.

[24] Carroll, Seeds of Faith, 15.

[25] Jacqueline Emery, ed., Recovering Native American Writings in the Boarding School Press. (Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 2020), 75.

[26] Jacqueline Emery, ed., Recovering Native American Writings in the Boarding School Press. (Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 2020), 75.

[27] Smith, Boarding School Abuses, Human Rights, and Reparations.

[28] Smith, Boarding School Abuses, Human Rights, and Reparations, 90.

[29] Celia Haig-Brown, Resistance and Renewal: Surviving the Indian Residential School. (Canada: Tillacum Library, 1988), 99.

[30] Smith, Boarding School Abuses, Human Rights, and Reparations.

[31] Adams, Education for Extinction.

[32] Carroll, Seeds of Faith, 170.

[33] Smith, Boarding School Abuses, Human Rights, and Reparations, 91.

[34] Devens, If We Get the Girls, We Get the Race, 223. 

[35] Smith, Boarding School Abuses, Human Rights, and Reparations, 95.

[36] Smith, Boarding School Abuses, Human Rights, and Reparations, 95.

[37] Haig-Brown, Resistance and Renewal, 5.

[38] Haig-Brown, Resistance and Renewal, 98.

[39] Haig-Brown, Resistance and Renewal, 99.

[40] Haig-Brown, Resistance and Renewal, 104.

[41] Haig-Brown, Resistance and Renewal, 123.

[42] Haig-Brown, Resistance and Renewal, 109.

[43] Haig-Brown, Resistance and Renewal, 16.

[44] Kaitlyn Sebwenna-Painter, Amoneeta Beckstein, and Sue Kraus, Psychological Impacts of Historic Loss and Current Events Surrounding American Indian Boarding Schools. (University of Colorado: Anschutz Medical Campus), 3.

[45] Sebwenna-Painter, Beckstein, and Kraus, Psychological Impacts of Historic Loss and Current Events Surrounding American Indian Boarding Schools, 3.

[46] Sebwenna-Painter, Beckstein, and Kraus, Psychological Impacts of Historic Loss and Current Events Surrounding American Indian Boarding Schools, 5.

[47]Adams, Education for Extinction, 337.

[48] Dana Hedgpeth Sari Horwitz Chikwendiu Joyce Lee, Andrew Tran, Nilo Tabrizy, Jahi, Indian Boarding School Deaths, Burial Sites Far Exceed U.S. Government Counts. (Washington Post, December 22, 2024), https://www.washingtonpost.com/investigations/interactive/2024/native-american-deaths-burial-sites-boarding-schools/.

[49] Chikwendiu, Indian Boarding School Deaths, Burial Sites Far Exceed U.S. Government Counts.

Book Review – Our Fragile Freedoms

Four books that have influenced my teaching of U.S. history are: the volumes in the Jefferson Papers Project, The Life of Henry Adams, The Life of Arthur Schlesinger, and Our Fragile Freedoms. These books have left a profound influence on me because each of them included a perspective of 50 years or more.

Eric Foner’s Our Fragile Freedoms is a series of selected documents and book reviews that he has authored over 250 years of our history.  It is a collection of human stories in addition to documents, perspectives, historiography, and scholarly insights. In my reading I discovered new information and perspectives about enslaved persons, laborers, immigrants, and women.  I have also met Eric Foner, our lives share a similar chronology of the second half of the 20th century and the first 25 years of the 21st century.  Just when I thought I had mastered everything that needs to be taught in high schools, colleges, and in public discussions, I discovered somethings that are new and important in his book.

Our Fragile Freedoms gathers together nearly sixty book reviews and opinion pieces I have written over the past quarter century,  Originally published in venues such as the New York Review of Books, London Review of Books, The Nation, and The New York Times, they reflect a period of remarkable creativity among  American historians but also intense controversy over the teaching, writing and public presentation of history.  The book examines history as refracted through the prism of some of the most influential recent works of scholarship, while at the same time shedding light on my own evolution as an historian.” (Introduction, page xv)

The insights into the U.S. history curriculum are helpful to teachers who want to engage their students in investigating history and discussing the concept of freedom.  Here are some examples:

1.Colonial America: “In South Carolina and Georgia, however, the disruption of the War for independence produced not a weakening of commitment to slavery, but the demand that the Atlantic slave trade be reopened.  At the insistence of these states, the Constitutional Convention of 1787 forbade Congress from abolishing the importation of slaves until 1808. Given this window of opportunity, South Carolina brought in tens of thousands of new slaves, further reinforcing the African presence in the low country Black society.” (page 22)

    2. President Washington: “Thompson (Mary Thompson, author of “The Only Unavoidable Subject of Regret: George Washington, Slavery, and the Enslaved Community at Mount Vernon”, 2019) offers various explanations for Washington’s refusal to speak or act publicly against slavery.  She points out that freeing his slaves would have meant financial disaster for his family.  Like other Virginia planters, Washington was chronically in debt, largely because of his taste for luxury goods imported from Britain. Indeed, in 1789 he had to borrow money to pay for his journey to New York where his inauguration as the first president was to take place.” (page 35)

    3. Fugitive Slave Law: “The first arrest under the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 took place in New York-a city whose economic fortunes were closely tied to the cotton trade, and whose political establishment was decidedly pro-southern. On September 16, 1850, eight days after President Millard Fillmore signed the measure, two deputy U.S. marshals arrested James Hamlet at his job as a porter in a local store. Hamlet had escaped from Baltimore two years earlier and settled in Williamsburg, a Brooklyn village with a small Black population, along with his wife and three children, all born in Maryland.” (page 53)

    4. Emancipation Proclamation: “’I cannot make it better known than it already is, that I strongly favor colonization,” Lincoln said in a message to Congress less than a month before he issued the Emancipation Proclamation.  Oakes (Professor James Oakes, CUNY) calls Lincoln’s August 1862 meeting with Black leaders (not including Douglass), where he urged them to support colonization, “bizarre,” and explains it as an effort to “make emancipation more palatable to white racists.” And he notes, Douglass reacted with one of his most bitter criticisms of the president, “Mr. Lincoln,” he wrote, “assumes the language and arguments of an itinerant colonization lecturer shows all his inconsistencies, his pride of race and blood, his contempt for Negroes and his canting hypocrisy.  (page 72)

    5. Reconstruction: “Grant’s contemporaries recognized the Civil War as an event of international significance.  One hundred and fifty years after the conflict began, the meanings they ascribed to it offer a useful way if outlining why it was so pivotal in our own history.  The Civil War changed the nature of warfare, gave rise to an empowered nation-state, vindicated the idea of free labor, and destroyed the modern world’s greatest slave society. Each of these outcomes laid the foundation for the country we live in today. But as with all historical events, each outcome carried with it ambiguous, even contradictory, consequences.” (page 85)

    As teachers, we need to understand the big picture of historical decisions and events over time.  This is why it is important for students to learn about continuity and change as one of the core skills of our discipline. Our Fragile Freedoms helped me to grasp the complexity of the concepts of freedom and equality that social studies teachers introduce in kindergarten.

    An important article and commentary in the book is “Everyday Violence in the Jim Crow South.” (pp. 201-210) This review of By Hands Now Known: Jim Crow’s Legal Executioners, by Margaret A. Burnham, New York Review of Books, April 6, 2023, provides specific examples of the abuse of power by people in local and state government against innocent citizens.

    “In Westfield, a town near Birmingham, a female white clerk at a local store, claiming that a Black customer, William Daniel, had insulted her, called the police.  When an officer arrived, he almost immediately shot and killed the alleged offender, even though, as Burnham laconically remarks, Daniel had committed no crime: ‘even in Alabama, there was no law against, ‘insulting a white woman.’” (p. 203)

    Another commentary that engaged my interest as a high school teacher was “Tulsa: Forgetting and Remembering.” (pp. 211-220) The information in the Review of The Ground Breaking: An American City and Its Search for Justice by Scott Ellsworth in the London Review of Books, September 9, 2011, provides new insights and perspectives to this horrific tragedy that began with a minor encounter between two teenagers. Scott Ellswoth is from Tulsa and became interested in this race riot in his research for a high school history paper.  He pursued his passion of this massacre as a college student at Reed College, and throughout his adult life. The discussion about the importance of local research has relevance to the teaching of history and its relevance to project-based learning.

    The review of Half American: The Epic Story of African Americans Fighting World War II at Home and Abroad by Matthew F. Delmont and An Army Afire: How the U.S. Army Confronted Its Racial Crisis in the Vietnam Era by Beth Bailey 2023) left me feeling uncomfortable. I think many teachers emphasize the role of the Tuskegee Airmen in teaching World War II and follow it up with a five-minute talk on President Truman’s Executive Order to embrace “equality of treatment and opportunity” in the military regardless of race, religion, and national origin. Because of my ignorance in this area, I never included examples of Jim Crow discrimination and the race problem in our armed forces. Our Fragile Freedoms provides graphic examples. (pp. 232-243)

    In the middle of the book there are some of the most important insights and perspectives for teachers of 20th century United States History. They have a direct relationship to what students are thinking about today as they listen to or witness events that are challenging the values of liberty, equality and social justice.  They offer teachers critical questions of inquiry regarding the continuity and change of America’s core values from the Declaration of Independence, Reconstruction Era, and Civil Rights movement. Allow me to summarize from examples on the New Deal and Civil Rights era from pages 243-267.

    “We will never know precisely why Parks refused to leave her seat when ordered to do so, her decision was not premeditated but neither was it completely spontaneous.  Perhaps it was because an all-white jury in Mississippi had just acquitted the murderers of Emmett Till, a Black teenager who had allegedly whistled at a white woman.  Perhaps the reason was that she had inadvertently boarded a bus driven by the same driver who had evicted her twelve years earlier.  Parks knew that talk of a boycott was in the air.  In any event, in the wake of her arrest the boycott began.” (p. 248)

    In the review of Riding for Freedom, teachers might ask if the foreign policy of the Kennedy Administration on the Cold War was mutually exclusive from the domestic policy of integration and racial justice. Many American presidents have faced challenging decisions regarding their promise for domestic reforms and unexpected international conflicts. Kennedy experienced this in his first year as president.

    “Certainly, the photographs that flashed across the world embarrassed the White House.  But the conflict with the Soviets also inspired deep distrust of any movement that included critics of American foreign policy.  After a telephone conversation in which he urged Martin Luther King Jr. to restrain the riders, Robert Kennedy remarked to an aide, ‘I wonder whether they have the best interest of their country at heart.’” (pp. 253-254).

    “The continuing distortion of the period (Reconstruction) by historians raised a troubling question, King had long identified the movement with core American values inherited from the nation’s founding. But what, in fact, were the nation’s deepest values? All men are created equal? Or something more sinister, exemplified by Reconstruction’s violent overthrow? King had originally believed, he told the journalist David Halberstam, that American society could be reformed through many small changes. Now, he said, he felt ‘quite differently,’ ‘I think you’ve got to have a reconstruction of the entire society, a revolution of values.’ Was the movement the fulfilment of American values or their repudiation?” (pp. 263-264)

    These excerpts are only appetizers for the full meal that is within each review and the entire book. As students think about and debate the civil rights era, they gain an understanding of the civil rights movement, its brutality, its injustice, its inequality, and its struggle. Unfortunately, too many students only know one sentence from Martin Luther King’s speech, “I have a dream….” Teachers should have students read or watch the entire speech.

    “We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protests to degenerate into physical violence. . . . The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. . . .

    We cannot walk alone. And as we walk we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.

    (https://www.gilderlehrman.org/sites/default/files/inline-pdfs/king.dreamspeech.excerpts.pdf)

    The genius of this book is that each chapter offers a new insight, a scholarly perspective, and a valuable lesson. I learned something new about integration, voting, the censorship of speech, the Chicago riots in 1968, and progressivism. The section on History, Memory, Historians is a must read for every pre-service teacher and every social studies teacher. The lessons here about historical omissions, social and intellectual history, and the lessons of history. Our Fragile Freedoms should shape the generation of social studies/history teachers who will be teaching students in the second quarter of the 21st century!

    Three Social Studies Lessons Using Baseball as an Introduction to History

    How Baseball and Jackie Robinson Shaped New York’s Identity

    Jackie Robinson played with the Dodgers’ minor league Montreal team.

    Introduction: The Brooklyn Dodgers were not just a baseball team; they were a cultural institution that embodied Brooklyn’s identity from 1883 until their departure in 1957. Prior to 1898, Brooklyn was the fourth largest city in America. After incorporation into the greater city of New York, the Dodgers contributed to Brooklynites maintaining their separate sense of identity. In 1947, Jackie Robinson broke baseball’s color barrier when he joined the Brooklyn Dodgers. This historic moment changed not only baseball but also had profound social implications that shaped Brooklyn’s identity. After decades of falling short, particularly against the Yankees, the Dodgers finally won the World Series in 1955. This victory was a defining moment for Brooklyn’s collective identity. In 1957, Dodgers owner Walter O’Malley moved the team to Los Angeles after failing to secure a deal to build a new stadium in Brooklyn. This departure left a profound impact on Brooklyn’s identity and development. The departure of the Dodgers coincided with other significant changes in Brooklyn and New York City. The borough’s identity had to evolve in the absence of its beloved team.

    1. In your opinion, what does the phrase “Wait ’til next year” reveal about Brooklyn’s character and the relationship between the team and its fans?
    2. Why was defeating the Yankees particularly significant for Brooklynites’ sense of identity?
    3. How did Brooklyn residents react to the Dodgers leaving Brooklyn?
    4. Do professional sports teams have any obligations to their loyal fanbase?
    5. The proposed site for a new Dodgers stadium at Atlantic and Flatbush Avenues eventually became the Barclays Center in 2012. What does the building of this arena reveal about Brooklyn’s evolution in your lifetime?
    • 1865-1877: Reconstruction era provides brief period of expanded rights for Black Americans.  Republican support among Black voters, however, declines when President Hayes withdrew federal troops from the South
    • 1876: National League founded (all-white)
    • 1884: Moses Fleetwood Walker becomes last Black player in major leagues prior to International League institutes unwritten “gentlemen’s agreement” (1887) barring Black players
    • 1920s: Negro National League established as segregated professional baseball thrives
    • 1939: Jackie Robinson enrolls at UCLA, becomes first athlete to letter in four sports
    • 1944: Robinson court-martialed for refusing to move to back of segregated bus while in Army
    • 1945: Branch Rickey signs Robinson to Montreal Royals (Dodgers’ farm team). Robinson agrees to avoid responding to provocations from racist white fans and players
    • 1946: Robinson leads International League with .349 average and 40 stolen bases
    • April 15, 1947: Robinson debuts with Brooklyn Dodgers
    • 1948: President Truman issues Executive Order 9981 desegregating armed forces
    • 1949: Robinson wins NL MVP, batting .342 with 37 stolen bases
    • 1954: Brown v. Board of Education Supreme Court decision outlawed school segregation
    • 1955: Rosa Parks, MLK and the Montgomery Bus Boycott
    • 1955: Robinson helps Dodgers win World Series
    • 1956: Robinson retires from baseball rather than accept trade to Giants
    • 1957: Robinson is hired as VP at Chock Full O’Nuts
    • 1957: Robinson heads NAACP Fund Drive
    • 1957: Little Rock Nine integrate Central High School in Arkansas
    • 1959: Robinson begins writing syndicated newspaper columns
    • 1960: Robinson campaigns for Richard Nixon in presidential election
    • 1963: Robinson participates in March on Washington with MLK
    • 1964: Robinson co-founds Freedom National Bank in Harlem
    • 1964: Civil Rights Act passed
    • 1965: Voting Rights Act passed
    • 1968: Robinson supports Hubert Humphrey after disillusionment with Republican Party
    • 1970: Robinson creates Jackie Robinson Construction Corporation
    • October 15, 1972: Final appearance at World Series, calls for Black MLB managers
    • October 24, 1972: Robinson dies at age 53 from heart attack and diabetes complications
    • 1973: Rachel Robinson establishes Jackie Robinson Foundation
    • 1997: MLB universally retires Robinson’s number 42
    • 2004: MLB establishes Jackie Robinson Day (April 15)
    1. What economic, cultural, or social factors might have made baseball more willing to accept racial integration before other American Institutions?
    2. Why did MLB’s integration have such a profound impact on American society?

    On April 15, 1947, Jackie Robinson played first base for the Brooklyn Dodgers at Ebbets Field, becoming the first Black player in Major League Baseball since 1884. The Dodgers defeated the Boston Braves 5-3. This historic moment ended the “gentlemen’s agreement” among team owners that had kept baseball segregated. Robinson’s journey began when Branch Rickey, the Dodgers’ general manager, signed him to the Montreal Royals (the Dodgers’ minor league affiliate) in 1945. Rickey specifically chose Robinson not only for his athletic ability and competitive fire but for his character and temperament, asking him to “turn the other cheek” in the face of racial hostility. After excelling in Montreal during the 1946 season, Robinson joined the Dodgers for the 1947 season. Robinson’s debut received dramatically different coverage in white and Black newspapers. Most mainstream white papers barely mentioned the historic significance, focusing instead on other aspects of the game. In contrast, Black newspapers across the country made Robinson’s debut front-page news, with extensive coverage and photography.

    Throughout his first season, Robinson endured racist taunts, pitches thrown at his head, and opponents attempting to spike him on the basepaths. Despite this, he batted .297, led the league in stolen bases, and won the first Rookie of the Year award. His decade-long career included six National League pennants, a World Series championship in 1955, and the National League MVP award in 1949. He was inducted into the Baseball Hall of Fame in 1962.

    Robinson was politically engaged throughout his post-baseball life. He served as chairman of the NAACP Freedom Fund Drive, traveling the country to recruit members and raise funds. From 1959, he wrote syndicated newspaper columns addressing race relations, politics, and other social issues for the New York Post and later the New York Amsterdam News. Robinson developed close relationships with civil rights leaders, including Martin Luther King Jr., whom he accompanied on numerous speaking tours. Robinson supported King’s work and helped raise funds for the Civil Rights Movement. Specifically, he and his wife Rachel hosted jazz concerts at their Connecticut home to raise bail money for protesters arrested during civil rights Robinson’s impact on civil rights was summarized by Martin Luther King Jr., who told Dodgers pitcher Don Newcombe: “You will never know how easy it was for me because of Jackie Robinson.” Robinson’s approach to civil rights combined direct advocacy with practical action. Robinson believed that speaking out against injustice was a responsibility that came with his privileged celebrity position, frequently stating he would not remain silent when witnessing wrongdoing. He challenged professional sports leagues, politicians, and fellow athletes to do better on racial issues throughout his life.

    After retiring from baseball in 1956, Robinson became vice president of personnel at Chock Full O’Nuts, becoming the first African American to hold such a position at a major American corporation. He used this platform to advocate for civil rights, writing letters to politicians on company letterhead and challenging discriminatory practices. Robinson believed strongly in economic independence for Black Americans. He co-founded the Freedom National Bank in Harlem in 1964 to provide financial services to the Black community, and in 1970 he created the Jackie Robinson Construction Corporation to build affordable housing. He consistently advocated for Black capitalism and criticized businesses that failed to employ African Americans.

    In presidential politics, Robinson initially supported Hubert Humphrey in the 1960 Democratic primaries before backing Republican Richard Nixon in the general election, believing Nixon had a stronger civil rights record than John Kennedy. Later, he campaigned for progressive Republican candidate Nelson Rockefeller and opposed Barry Goldwater’s 1964 Republican nomination, which he felt represented a rightward shift that would attract more white voters by alienating Black voters. By 1968, disillusioned with Nixon, he supported Humphrey again.

    At his final public appearance at the 1972 World Series, just nine days before his death, Robinson used the opportunity to call for more Black managers and coaches in baseball. After his death from a heart attack on October 24, 1972, civil rights activist Jesse Jackson delivered his eulogy, calling him “the Black Knight in a chess game… checking the King’s bigotry and the Queen’s indifference.” In 1973, Rachel Robinson established the Jackie Robinson Foundation, which provides scholarships and support services to minority students. By 2021, the foundation had graduated over 1,500 students, maintained a nearly 100% graduation rate, and provided more than $70 million in assistance. The Jackie Robinson Museum in New York City was created to further preserve his legacy. Robinson’s own quote, engraved on his tombstone, captures his philosophy: “A life is not important except in the impact it has on other lives.” Through both his baseball career and his activism, Jackie Robinson’s life embodied this principle, changing American sports and society forever.

    As “the Party of Lincoln,” Republicans had delivered emancipation, the Reconstruction Amendments (13th, 14th, and 15th), and various civil rights acts from 1866 to 1875. However, this alignment between Republicans & Black Americans began to fracture after Republican President Rutherford B. Hayes ended Reconstruction by withdrawing federal troops from the South in 1877. In 1932, Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal attracted Black voters to the Democratic Party.

    In 1960, Robinson supported Richard Nixon over John Kennedy. This choice reflected Robinson’s approval of the Eisenhower administration’s deployment of federal troops to protect Black students in Little Rock and passage of the 1957 Civil Rights Act. At that time, Nixon’s civil rights record appeared stronger than Kennedy’s or Johnson’s.

    As an executive at Chock Full O’Nuts, Robinson championed Black economic self-sufficiency, believing that Black-owned businesses and financial institutions were crucial for community advancement. This economic philosophy aligned with traditional Republican values. Robinson’s party loyalty evolved as the political landscape shifted. He supported Democrat Lyndon Johnson over Republican Barry Goldwater in 1964 after Goldwater opposed that year’s Civil Rights Act. By 1968, Robinson had broken with Nixon and voted for Democrat Hubert Humphrey. By 1972, the year of Robinson’s death, Democrat George McGovern won 87% of the Black vote —a percentage that has remained consistent in subsequent elections, demonstrating the complete reversal of Black voters’ historical party alignment.

    In his approach Robinson built on several core beliefs and principles established 60 years earlier by Black economic equality activists such as Booker T. Washington. Both men emphasized the importance of Black economic independence and viewed entrepreneurship as essential for advancement. Both created or supported Black-owned institutions that could serve community needs without relying on white approval or support. Both valued practical education that could translate directly into economic opportunities. Both saw Black-owned businesses as vehicles for community development and racial advancement. Both believed that demonstrating Black capability and success would help undermine racist stereotypes and arguments.

    Despite these similarities, there were crucial differences in their approaches. Robinson saw economic initiatives as complementary to—not a replacement for—the fight for immediate civil and political rights. Robinson actively challenged segregation and participated in direct civil rights activism alongside his economic initiatives. Robinson directly challenged racial inequities, even when it alienated white supporters. As Robinson stated, he was “very much concerned over the lack of understanding in White America of the desires and ambitions of most Black Americans.” Robinson pursued integration across both social and economic spheres. As Robinson experienced the limitations of Black political advancement, he intensified his focus on economic institutions. Robinson’s economic vision expanded from individual advancement to community-wide initiatives that could create systemic change.

    Robinson’s approach to Black capitalism influenced later civil rights leaders who recognized the importance of economic power alongside political rights. His founding of Freedom National Bank was a pioneering step in the community development banking movement. The bank served as the financial backbone of Harlem into the 1990s. In many of his actions and words, Robinson further developed the idea that economic empowerment without political rights is insufficient, but that political rights without economic power remains incomplete.

    1. How was Major League Baseball’s “Gentlemen’s Agreement” supported by social, legal and economic factors?
    2. Explain how Robinson’s post-baseball activities reflected his commitment to economic justice for Black Americans.
    3. Robinson said, “A life is not important except in the impact it has on other lives.” Identify three specific ways Robinson impacted American society beyond sports.
    4. Compare and contrast Jackie Robinson’s approach, tactics, philosophies, to other prominent civil rights figures (Paul Robeson, Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X, etc.).
    5. What do Robinson’s shifting endorsements of Republican and Democratic candidates reveal about the politics of civil rights?
    6. How have recent events in sports and society continued Robinson’s legacy of athlete activism?
    7. Examine how Robinson’s story has been memorialized, commemorated, and sometimes sanitized with the removal of controversy in American public memory.

    As students of history, examining primary sources allows us to understand historical figures in their own context rather than solely through the lens of later interpretations. Robinson’s words reveal the complex interplay between his baseball career, civil rights activism, and political engagement.

    Robinson’s Letter to President Eisenhower (May 13, 1958): Robinson wrote this letter on Chock Full O’Nuts letterhead to express his disappointment with President Eisenhower’s advice that Black Americans should be patient in their quest for civil rights. By this time, Robinson had been retired from baseball for two years and was using his position as a corporate executive to advocate for civil rights.

    “I was sitting in the audience at the Summit Meeting of Negro Leaders yesterday when you said we must have patience… On behalf of myself, and I know thousands and thousands of my fellow Americans, I respectfully remind you sir that we have been the most patient of all people.”

    1. How does Robinson’s tone and words differ from his public persona during his playing days?
    2. What does Robinson’s use of corporate letterhead suggest about his business position and his activism?
    3. How might Robinson’s letter have influenced Dr. King’s 1963 “Letter from Birmingham Jail.” What risks did Robinson and King face in writing their letters?

    “I Never Had It Made” Autobiography (1972): Published in the year of his death, Robinson’s autobiography presented a more critical and candid perspective on American racism than he had publicly expressed during much of his baseball career. This statement reflects his evolving views on patriotism and racial progress.

    “I cannot stand and sing the anthem. I cannot salute the flag; I know that I am a Black man in a white world. In 1972, in 1947, at my birth in 1919, I know that I never had it made.”

    1. How does this statement challenge simplified narratives about Robinson as a symbol of American progress? Why might Robinson have felt more comfortable expressing these views in 1972 than earlier in his baseball career?
    2. Compare Robinson’s perspective with athlete activism today. What parallels and differences can you make?

    Robinson on Economic Justice (New York Amsterdam News, 1962): Robinson wrote regular columns for the New York Amsterdam News, a prominent Black newspaper. In these columns, he advocated for economic opportunities for Black Americans and challenged discriminatory practices in business and sports.

    “It is the duty and responsibility of each and every one of us to refuse to accept the faintest sign or token of prejudice. It does not matter whether it is directed against us or against others. Racial prejudice is not only a vicious disease, it is contagious.”

    1. How did Robinson’s economic perspectives and activities promote civil rights?
    2. How did Robinson’s status as a former athlete and business executive shape his particular form of civil rights activism?

    Robinson’s Final Public Statement (October 15, 1972): This statement came nine days before Robinson’s death during a ceremony honoring the 25th anniversary of his breaking baseball’s color barrier. Despite the celebratory occasion, Robinson used the platform to highlight ongoing inequalities in Major League Baseball.

    “I’d like to see a Black manager. I’d like to see the day when there’s a Black man coaching at third base.”

    1. What does this statement reveal about Robinson’s assessment of baseball’s progress on racial equality since 1947? Why would Robinson choose this particular moment to highlight the status of Black Athletes? How does it add to the statements historical significance?
    2. How long did it take for Robinson’s wish to be fulfilled? What does this reveal about institutional resistance to social change? What does this reveal about Robinson’s impact on Baseball and American society?
    1. How did the Brooklyn Dodgers both reflect and shape Brooklyn’s identity and how did their departure impact the region? Use specific examples for both.
    2. What lessons can be learned from the Dodgers story about the relationship between sports teams or cultural institutions and a community’s identity? Provide one modern example.
    • The Jackie Robinson Foundation Archives
    • Papers of the NAACP (Library of Congress)
    • Robinson, Jackie. I Never Had It Made (autobiography)*
    • Robinson, Rachel. Jackie Robinson: An Intimate Portrait*
    • Tygiel, Jules. Baseball’s Great Experiment
    • Long, Michael G. First Class Citizenship: The Civil Rights Letters of Jackie Robinson
    • Rampersad, Arnold. Jackie Robinson: A Biography
    • Long, Michael. 42 Today: Jackie Robinson and His Legacy
    • Long, Michael G. First Class Citizenship: The Civil Rights Letters of Jackie Robinson
    • Burns, Ken. Jackie Robinson (documentary)

    This worksheet is based on an article originally published by PBS American Experience, written by Eduardo Obregón Pagán.

    In the shadows of Los Angeles’ urban development lies the story of Chavez Ravine, a once-thriving Mexican-American community sacrificed for the creation of Dodger’s Stadium. This rural enclave near downtown Los Angeles maintained a tight-knit, self-sufficient character despite lacking basic city services. Residents grew their own food, raised livestock, and fostered strong community bonds through local institutions like their Catholic church, elementary school, and neighborhood businesses.

    The community’s fate changed dramatically in the post-World War II era. Initially, Chavez Ravine was designated for a federally-funded public housing development. Residents were forced to sell their homes at below-market prices with promises they would receive priority housing in the new development. Many families complied, believing the government’s promises.

    However, the story took a decisive turn when Brooklyn Dodgers owner Walter O’Malley sought a new location for his team. Los Angeles investors, eager to attract a major sports franchise, offered Chavez Ravine as the perfect stadium site. In the politically charged McCarthy era, city leadership abandoned the housing project, labeling it as too “communist,” and voters approved the stadium plan in a referendum.

    Community resistance formed as remaining residents organized, created petitions, and testified at city meetings about their rights to their homes and land. Their efforts ultimately failed when, on May 9, 1959 – known as “Black Friday” – sheriff’s deputies forcibly removed the last families from their homes. Bulldozers quickly moved in, destroying all traces of the once-vibrant neighborhoods. The promised replacement housing never materialized for those who had initially complied with orders to sell their properties.

    Dodger Stadium rose from these ruins, becoming a celebrated landmark for baseball fans while simultaneously standing as what many consider “a monument to the power of wealth over the impoverished.” The stadium represents the racialized nature of urban renewal policies and the unjust displacement of marginalized communities in favor of commercial interests.

    This history demonstrates several significant patterns that continue to resonate in American urban development: racial and economic injustice in planning decisions, broken promises to vulnerable communities, tensions between public housing needs and commercial development, and the erasure of marginalized histories from popular narratives. From a legal perspective, O’Malley & The Dodgers operated within existing law – the land acquisition occurred through government processes, was approved by voters, and evictions were executed by law enforcement. However, ethical questions linger about a process that exploited residents with limited political power and the acceptance of land obtained through broken promises. The story of Chavez Ravine remains relevant today as cities continue to wrestle with questions of development, displacement, gentrification, and whose interests take priority in urban planning decisions.

    The story of Chavez Ravine’s transformation from a Mexican-American community to the site of Dodger Stadium represents one of baseball’s most complex historical chapters, yet it remains unfamiliar to many fans and virtually erased from the popular baseball narrative. Baseball’s dominant stories traditionally focus on on-field achievements.. The mythology of Dodger Stadium emphasizes its picturesque setting, perfect sightlines, and the excitement of the Dodgers’ arrival in Los Angeles rather than examining the displacement that preceded it. When the Dodgers moved to Los Angeles in 1958, the media celebrated the economic benefits and civic pride the team would bring rather than investigating the local community costs.

    Additionally, baseball’s gatekeepers (team and league officials, journalists, TV & marketing execs, and fans) have traditionally reflected baseball’s power structures. The voices and perspectives of displaced Mexican-American residents had little representation in the game’s official story.

    More recently, as sports history has become more inclusive and critical, the Chavez Ravine story has gained increased attention through academic studies, documentaries, and community remembrance projects. However, these efforts remain peripheral to mainstream baseball coverage, which continues to celebrate ballparks without fully acknowledging any complicated origins.

    For baseball to fully reckon with this history would require confronting uncomfortable questions about who benefits from and who pays the price for the growth of the sports industry across the world – a conversation that challenges the game’s preferred self-image as an innocent pastime above politics and social conflict.

    1. How has baseball’s storytelling traditions (which emphasizes baseball’s positive impact on communities) contributed to the erasure of the Chavez Ravine displacement story?
    2. How might the Chavez Ravine controversy further complicate Walter O’Malley’s legacy in New York’s baseball history?
    3. What does the Dodgers departure from Brooklyn and their relocation to LA teach us about community dynamics and professional sports teams business decisions?

    Tulsa Massacre was Erased from History

    My partner Felicia Hirata, friends Judy and Ruben Stern, and I were discussing the movie Killers of the Flower Moon and conversation shifted to the 1921 Tulsa Massacre. Felicia, Ruben, and I are all retired New York City high school social studies teachers and we realized we had never taught about the massacre in class, and we were unsure of whether we even knew about it when we were teachers. It had effectively been erased from history.

    As a high school teacher, I did introduce my students, almost all African American and Latinx, to post-World War 1 racist attacks on African Americans with the poem “If We Must Die” by Claude McKay that was first published in the July 1919 of The Liberator coupled with photographs and newspaper headlines of the 1919 Chicago race riot showing white mobs and police attacking Blacks in the street. The McKay poem is especially powerful and resonated with students because it is a call for resistance.

    https://alansingerphd.medium.com/the-100th-anniversary-of-the-tulsa-race-massacre-5cee3a689f6f[1]

    I now teach social studies methods at Hofstra University in suburban Long Island, New York. After our discussion of Killers of the Flower Moon and the Tulsa Massacre, I decided to review how the post-World War 1 race riots and the Tulsa massacre were covered in the textbooks I used as a high school teacher and in more recent editions used by teachers today, books my students will likely use when they become teachers, books that continue to minimize the role that race and racism played in American history.

    Ruben and I both taught United States history at Franklin K. Lane High School in the 1980s using Lewis Todd and Merle Curti’s Triumph of the American Nation as our primary textbook. Chapter 27 “New Directions in American Life Changing Ways (1900-1920)” ignores race, in fact the book’s index does not include race or racism as a category (Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1986). After discussing World War 1, the authors skipped directly to the “Golden Twenties” where the post-war race riots were ignored. In a later chapter, “Decades in Contrast Changing ways (1920-1939),” “Black migration to the North,” “Disappointed hopes,” and “The riots of 1919” are briefly mentioned, but not what happened in Tulsa. Students learned from the book that “Frightened whites, convinced that black Americans were trying to threaten them and gain control, responded with more violence. Police forces, ill-equipped to deal with riots, usually sided with whites” (751). Perhaps even more disturbing than the omissions, is this justification offered for the white rioters.

    I also used Thomas Bailey and David Kennedy, The American Pageant, 7th Edition (1983, D.C. Heath) with a college-level dual enrollment class. A section in Chapter 39, “The Politics of Boom and Bust, 1920-1932” titled “The Aftermath of War” includes a paragraph explaining that “Vicious race riots also rocked the Republic in years following the Great War . . . [I]n the immediate post-war period, blacks were brutally taught that the North was not a Promised land. A racial reign of terror descended on Chicago in the summer of 1919, leaving twenty-three blacks and fifteen whites dead. Clashes also inflamed Knoxville, Omaha, Washington, and other cities.” There was also no mention of 1921 and Tulsa massacre in this textbook. Unlike Todd and Curti, Bailey and Kennedy didn’t justify the behavior of the white rioters but by suggesting that these were somehow clashes between Blacks and whites, it takes the onus off white mobs killing African Americans and driving them out of housing and jobs.

    Even Howard Zinn’s widely used A People’s History of the United States, first published in 1980 by Harper Collins and reissued most recently in 2015 by Harper Perennial, the most progressive history of the United States that I used as a reference, falls short. Zinn included the post-war strike wave but not the race riots in 1919 or the destruction of the Black community of Tulsa in 1921.

    I read From Slavery to Freedom, A History of Negro Americans, 3rd edition by John Hope Franklin and Alfred A. Moss, Jr. (1969, Vintage) as an undergraduate at CCNY in a class on American Nego History during the 1968-1969 school year. Unfortunately, it did not have much influence on the American history curriculum.

    In the 7th edition (published in 1994 by Knopf), Franklin and Moss have a chapter “Democracy Escapes” about conditions faced by African Americans in the United States in the post-World War 1 era after approximately 380,000 African Americans served in the army and about 200,000 were stationed in the European theater (346-360; Goldenberg, 2022). Despite welcoming parades in major American cities, The Crisis reported “This country of ours, despite all its better souls have done and dreamed, is yet a shameful land. It lynches . . . It disenfranchises its own citizens . . . It encourages ignorance . . .It steals from us . . . It insults us . . . We return. We return from fighting. We return fighting. Make way for Democracy! We saved it in France, and by the Great Jehovah, we will save it in the U.S.A., or know the reason why” (347).

    Between June and December 1919, Red Summer, Franklin and Moss estimate there were twenty-five anti-Black race riots in American cities (349). The most serious riot was in Chicago where there were thirty-eight fatalities, over 500 reported injuries, and 1,000 families left homeless (350-351).  The book also briefly describes a “race war” in Tulsa, Oklahoma in June 1921 where nine whites and 21 blacks were killed.

    On Long Island, New York, the most widely used United States history textbook is Holt McDougal’s The Americans by Gerald Danzer, Jorge Kor de Alva, Larry Krieger, Louis Wilson, and Nancy Woloch. The 2012 edition has two references to the post-World War I racial climate. A “Historical Spotlight” box in a chapter on “The First World War” explains that “Racial prejudice against African Americans in the North sometimes took violent forms. However, the 1917 East St. Louis riot seems to be excused because “White workers were furious over the hiring of African Americans as strikebreakers at a munitions plant.” The 1919 Chicago riot is also blamed on African Americans who “retaliated” when a Black teenager was stoned to death by “white bathers” after he swam into “water off a ‘white beach’” (600). A later chapter on the Harlem Renaissance mentions that “Northern cities in general had not welcomed the massive influx of African Americans. Tensions had escalated in the years prior to 1920, culminating in the summer of 1919, in approximately 25 urban race riots” (659). This section does not explain who was rioting and who was being attacked.

    The 12th edition of The American Pageant (2002), widely used in Advanced Placement classes, added Lisabeth Cohen as a co-author. A section on “Workers in Wartime” included the “sudden appearance” of African Americans in “previously all-white areas sometimes sparked interracial violence,” equally blamed on Blacks and whites (711). A photograph of a victim of the 1919 Chicago race riot lying on the ground face down includes the caption “The policeman arrived too late to spare this victim from being pelted by stones from an angry mob” (711). From the picture, it is difficult to tell that the victim was African American and he is not identified as such in the caption, although the police standing above him are clearly white. Members of the mob and its victims are not identified, and the caption inaccurately suggests that white police were trying to protect the Black community. The 16th edition, published in 2015, notes in Chapter 32 “American Life in the Roaring Twenties, 1919-1929” that a “ new racial pride also blossomed in the northern black communities that burgeoned during and after the war,” but contained no mention of the race riots in 1919 or 1921 (749) and the chapter on “The Politics of Boom and Bust, 1920-1932” dropped the reference to “vicious race riots” in the 1983 edition.

    The fourth edition of Making America (Houghton Mifflin, 2006) by Carol Berkin, Christopher Miller, Robert Cherny, and James Gormly references the East St. Louis and Tulsa riots in the index and race riots are paired with lynchings as examples of the conditions faced by returning Black veteran after World War 1. Unlike other texts, this book clearly identifies that “white mobs” were attacking African Americans in East St. Louis, Washington DC, Chicago, Omaha, Tulsa, and Detroit (694, 706, 732). It is also one of the few textbooks to list racism in the index.

    America’s History 9th edition for the AP Course by James Henretta, Rebecca Edward, Eric Hunderaker and Robert Self, published by Bedford, Freeman & Worth in 2018, includes Chapter 21, “Unsettled Prosperity: From War to Depression, 1919-1932.” This chapter has a section titled “Racial Backlash.” White attacks on Black workers and communities are presented as a response to the Great Migration during World War I and competition for jobs and housing. The section references 1917 riots in East St. Louis, Illinois where white mobs “burned more than 300 black homes and murdered between 50 and 150 black men, women and children”; the Chicago race riot of 1919; the Rosewood, Florida Massacre; and the “horrific incident” in Tulsa. The Tulsa “incident” did receive significant coverage, about half of a paragraph. “Sensational, false reports of an alleged rape helped incite white mobs who resented growing black prosperity. Anger focused on the 8,000 residents of Tulsa’s prosperous Greenwood district, locally known as ‘the black Wall Street.’ The mobs – helped by National Guardsmen, who arrested African Americans who resisted – burned thirty-five blocks of Greenwood and killed several dozen people. The city’s leading paper acknowledged that ‘semi-organized bands of white men systematically applied the torch, while others shot on site men of color.’ It took a decade for black residents to rebuild Greenwood” (653-654).

    The best coverage of the 1917-1921 anti-Black race riots is probably Eric Foner’s AP text Give Me Liberty (6th edition, Norton). Chapter 19 “Safe for Democracy: The United States and World War I,” has a section on “Racial Violence, North and South.” It reports on the East St. Louis and Chicago attacks by white mobs on Black workers and communities, lynchings in the South targeting returning Black war veterans, a bloody attack on striking Black sharecroppers in Arkansas, and Tulsa. Foner describes Tulsa as “The worst race riot in American history . . . when more than 300 blacks were killed and over 10,000 left homeless after a white mob, including police and National Guardsmen, burned an all-black section of the city to the ground. The Tulsa riot erupted after s group of black veterans tried to prevent the lynching of a youth who had accidently tripped and fallen on a white female elevator operator, causing rumors of rape to sweep the city” (766).

    Over one hundred years after the Tulsa Massacre, the United States needs to stop pretending that racism ended with the American Civil War and take steps to address the lingering impact of slavery and systemic racism on American society. An important step would be to ensure that high school students learn about events from the past that continue to shape the present.


    Civics Era 9 The Great Depression and World War II (1929–1945)

    www.njcss.org

    The relationship between the individual and the state is present in every country, society, and civilization. Relevant questions about individual liberty, civic engagement, government authority, equality and justice, and protection are important for every demographic group in the population.  In your teaching of World History, consider the examples and questions provided below that should be familiar to students in the history of the United States with application to the experiences of others around the world.

    These civic activities are designed to present civics in a global context as civic education happens in every country.  The design is flexible regarding using one of the activities, allowing students to explore multiple activities in groups, and as a lesson for a substitute teacher. The lessons are free, although a donation to the New Jersey Council for the Social Studies is greatly appreciated. www.njcss.org

    The Great Depression brought about significant changes in the regulatory power of the federal government of the United States. The reforms of the New Deal were to stabilize the capitalistic economics system of the United States and they also imposed a mild form of welfare state capitalism that was prevalent in European countries. As a result, this era provides students with several opportunities to test their analytical skills regarding presidential power, the effectiveness of a democracy in addressing a major crisis, and the effect of the reforms of the New Deal on racial minorities, women, children and other groups.

    The Constitution does not stipulate the number of Supreme Court Justices; the number is set by Congress. There have been as few as six, but since 1869 there have been nine Justices, including one Chief Justice. All Justices are nominated by the President, confirmed by the Senate, and hold their offices under life tenure. Justices may remain in office until they resign, pass away, or are impeached and convicted by Congress.

    After winning a landslide election in 1936, President Franklin D. Roosevelt introduced the Judicial Procedures Reform Act which would allow the president to nominate an additional judge to the Court for every sitting judge who had served at least ten years and reached the age of 70. The initial reason that was explained by President Roosevelt was that the aging justices could not keep up with their caseload. Roosevelt changed his reasoning when this argument appeared flawed because the additional judges would likely increase deliberations and delay the time to make a decision. The new argument that the appointed justices did not reflect the will of the people at a time when the United States faced unprecedented economic problems was explained to the people in a Fireside Chat.

    President Roosevelt continued to advocate for the Judicial Procedures Reform Act until the Senate voted 70-20 to send the bill back to committee in July, 1937. It was never passed.

    The individual states determine the number of judges on their state supreme courts. The number varies between five and nine justices. The Supreme Court of New Jersey has seven judges.

    The Supreme Court is the highest Court in the administration of justice in Ghana.

    The Court is presided over by the Chief Justice and in his absence the most senior of the Justices of the Supreme Court, as constituted shall preside. Judges who sit in the Supreme Court are referred to as Justices of the Supreme Court.

    The Supreme Court consists of the Chief Justice and not less than nine Justices. It has exclusive original jurisdiction in all matters relating to the enforcement or interpretation of the 1992 Constitution. It also has supervisory jurisdiction over all the Courts in Ghana. It is located only at the Headquarters in Accra.

    1. In the United States, should the final decision on legislation be made by non-elected judges on the U.S. Supreme Court?
    2.  If the United States Congress was to reform the U.S. Supreme Court, what changes would you recommend they consider?
    3. Does the Tenth Amendment best serve the interests of representative democracy by allowing the individual states to make decision on issues not specifically delegated to Congress or is popular sovereignty served through the popular vote of the election of congressional representatives and senators?
    4. Do you prefer the structure of the Supreme Court in Ghana, which establishes a minimum number of judges, to be a better plan for decision making than how the United States structures its Supreme Court?
    5. Can Ghana prevent a president from adding judges with a similar political philosophy?

    National Constitution Center

    Information on State Supreme Courts

    The Structure and Jurisdiction of the Courts of Ghana

    To Cap or Not Cap the Justices on the Supreme Court of Ghana

    The right of parents to take advantage of the productive capacity of their children was long recognized both in the United States and abroad. The perceived value of the child can be viewed through how the legal system treated the wrongful death of a child and the damages the parents could hope to recover. Courts of that period usually found that the proper amount due was “the probable value of the services of the deceased from the time of his death to the time he would have attained his majority, less the expense of his maintenance during the same time.” The courts recognized that the parent naturally benefited from the productive labors of his child until the child reached the age of majority.

    The wages the child earned served the common purpose of supporting the family. The wages of a child generally became the property of the parents and often were the key to survival for many working-class families. Rather than the wife being the secondary wage earner, as became the case in the 1970s, for many families the child performed this role in American history.

    Today, states have moved to extending working hours for children, eliminate work permit requirements and lower the age for teens to handle alcohol or work in hazardous industries. At the same time, there has been a 69% increase in children employed illegally by companies since 2018, according to the U.S. Department of Labor.” Source 

    New Jersey: 34:2-21.2. Minors under 16 not to be employed; exceptions; nonresidents.

    “No minor under 16 years of age shall be employed, permitted, or suffered to work in, about, or in connection with any gainful occupation at any time; provided, that minors between 14 and 16 years of age may be employed, permitted or suffered to work outside school hours and during school vacations but not in or for a factory or in any occupation otherwise prohibited by law or by order or regulation made in pursuance of law; and provided, further, that minors under 16 years of age may engage in professional employment in theatrical productions upon the obtaining of a permit therefor and may engage outside school hours and during school vacations in agricultural pursuits or in street trades and as newspaper boys as defined in this act, in accordance with the provisions of section 15 of this act.”

    Except as to the employment of a minor for whom a theatrical employment permit has been issued, no minor under 16 years of age not a resident of this State shall be employed, permitted or suffered to work in any occupation or service whatsoever at any time during which the law of the state of his residence required his attendance at school, or at any time during the hours when the public schools in the district in which employment in such occupation or services may be available are in session.

    NLS data show that 52 percent of 12- and 13-year-olds in its 1997 cohort had paid work experience. The work performed at these ages was found to be freelance in nature. Babysitting and yardwork accounted for more than 70 percent of the work they performed.  For 14- and 15-year-olds, the dominant form of work remains freelancing. When children do work, it is most commonly when school is out of session. Children have largely shifted to the service industries.

    Due to security issues in both Mali and Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire has an estimated 13,214 refugees (2,489 households), of which an estimated 59 percent are children. Children are also brought to Côte d’Ivoire from those countries for commercial sexual exploitation and forced labor, including in begging, cocoa production, and mining. Children from Côte d’Ivoire are also subjected to human trafficking for forced labor in domestic work within the country and North Africa. Although the minimum age for a child to work is 16, this law lacks enforcement.

    School is mandatory for children ages 6 to 16 in Côte d’Ivoire. Although the Law on Education provides for free education, students are often required to pay for textbooks and uniforms, which may be prohibitive to some families. A shortage of teachers, poor school infrastructure, lack of transportation systems in rural areas, and inadequate sanitation facilities have negatively impacted children’s ability to attend school.  Research also suggests that some students are physically and sexually abused at school, which may deter some students from attending school. Because of this, roughly one in four girls (25%) in Côte d’Ivoire are not able to attend primary school.

    The UN Special Rapporteur, Tomoya Obokata, reported in November 2023 on the progress the government is making:

    “I commend Côte d’Ivoire for its solid legal and institutional architecture on child labor and trafficking in persons. But the Government needs to do more to lift people, including in rural areas, out of poverty, promote the economic empowerment of women and ensure access to decent work, particularly for young people,” the expert said.

    “Despite the efforts undertaken, I was informed that instances of child labor persist in various sectors of the economy including agriculture, domestic work, street vending and in artisanal gold mining. I am also concerned about the fate of girls who have either been trafficked from countries in the region for the purpose of sexual exploitation or who are subject to forced and early marriage in the country,” Obokata said.”

    Questions:

    1. Should the state or federal government regulate child labor laws?
    2. Should the government have any authority over parental decisions regarding child labor?
    3. Should children be protected from working in unhealthy or dangerous occupations? (serving alcohol, casinos, nail salons, landscaping, etc.)

    History of Child Labor in the United States (Part 1, Bureau of Labor Statistics)

    History of Child Labor in the United States, (Part 2, Bureau of Labor Statistics)

    Child Labor in America, 1920 (NPR)

    The Unjust Cost of Child Labor (Roosevelt Institute)

    Hammer v. Dagenhart (U.S. Supreme Court, 1918)

    Child Labor and Forced Labor Reports in Côte d’Ivoire  (U.S. Department of Labor)

    Child Labor Rises to 160 Million-First Increase in Two Decades (UNICEF)

    The U.S. government influences private business through compulsory taxes by spending the tax revenues on public functions such as parks, roads and other infrastructure, schools, law enforcement, homeland security, and scientific research, as well as welfare and social insurance programs such as Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, food stamps, and unemployment assistance. The federal government also issues and enforces standards ranging from environmental quality, to consumer protection, business and banking practices, nondiscrimination in employment, Internet privacy, and safety for food, drugs, manufactured products, and the places where people work.

    Chinese tech giant ByteDance, in 2017, purchased the popular karaoke app Musical.ly and relaunched the service as TikTok. Since then, the app has been under the microscope of national security officials in Washington fearing possible influence by the Chinese government.

    India began its regulatory reforms in the early 1990s, reducing state involvement through the privatization of companies, by putting in place independent regulatory mechanisms to boost competition and private-sector-led growth, and to strengthen consumer protection. But the reform efforts lacked coherence and have stalled. Even though the economy grew rapidly over the past decade, the slowing-down of reforms created an image of a country where doing business is difficult.

    India lacks a modern regulatory governance regime. Based on the Constitution, all levels of government can regulate, including the Central Government and 29 state governments. Regulatory barriers to competition are high and rule-making in India is complex due to the different layers of government.

    India needs to further strengthen the governance of state-owned enterprises, simplify regulations, and reduce administrative burdens on firms. India should develop and implement a regulatory governance system following international good practices such as regulatory impact assessment, public consultation, and administrative simplification. The creation of national Regulatory Commissions since 2005 was a positive move, but there is lack of accountability and consistency of the overall regulatory system.

    Establishing a whole-of-government approach to regulation, using international best practice tools and systems such as regulatory impact assessments and public consultation, and building effective institutions for regulatory quality management, are key. In this sense, India needs to catch up with other emerging economies such as China, Mexico and Vietnam, which have already taken important steps in that direction, in line with the OECD’s 2012 Recommendation on Regulatory Policy and Governance.

    In 2019, India passed a new Consumer Protection Act which streamlined all methods of exchanges relating to the purchase of merchandise and e-commerce. It also expanded the protections for deceptive trade practices and introduced product liability laws for the first time.

    1. Should governments encourage or restrict startup businesses?
    2. Is it possible for governments to regulate the safety of products manufactured and sold withing their country?
    3. Are government requirements for minimum wage, social security, safety, equal opportunity in hiring, necessary or should they be optional?

    Examples of Government Regulation of Business in the United States

    The Role of the U.S. Government in the Economy

    Consumer Protection Act of 2019 in India

    Consumer Handbook in India

    OCED Regulatory Reform in India

    The Roosevelt Corollary signaled an important shift in the economic and diplomatic policy of the United States in Latin America at the beginning of the 20th century. In its efforts to ensure that Latin and Central American governments repaid their debts, the United States also used its military power to protect its hegemony or interests. By doing this the Roosevelt Corollary also negatively affected our diplomatic relations with Europe and set a precedent for the foundation for the Fourteen Points after World War I.

    There are different perspectives about the impact of the Roosevelt Corollary in policy regarding its history of imperialism, limitations on self-government, and the impact it had on the social order and culture in Latin and Central America.  The U.S. Constitution is silent on a president acting as the international policeman to correct wrong behaviors in another country. President Roosevelt changed the original interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine from keeping foreign powers out of the western Hemisphere to justifying America’s intervention in independent countries in Latin America.

    This set a precedent for future presidents who sent American troops into Latin American countries eight times.

    In the beginning of the 21st century, China expanded its naval power and influence in the Pacific and Indian Oceans. Since 2016, China has constructed naval ports in an around the Spratly Islands. China’s actions impinge in the maritime entitlements and legal claims of Malaysia, the Philippines, and Vietnam for fishing and oil exploration. The South China Sea may have billions of barrels of untapped oil and trillions of cubic feet of natural gas.

    China should consider the economic cost of its investments in these small islands as the impact of rising sea levels is likely to limit their economy and increase their debt. Will the economic costs weaken instead of strengthening China in the future?  The security of Australia, Taiwan, and Japan is a concern as military support from the United States may be limited by China’s presence in this area. The distance from the United States to Japan, Taiwan, and Australia is much further than it is for its rivals of North Korea, Russia, and China.

    The novel legal argument is that under the Belt and Road Initiative, China is providing economic assistance to these small island in exchange for a ‘good neighbor’ policy with Beijing.

    1. Does the Roosevelt Corollary set a precedent for giving the president of the United States too much authority in foreign affairs?
    2. How should situations of violations of international laws regarding financial matters and human rights be addressed in the 21st century?
    3. Is China’s policy of expanding its military and economic influence into the South China Sea a violation of the UN’s Law of the Sea?

    President Theodore Roosevelt’s State of the Union Address: The Roosevelt Corollary (1904)

    How Theodore Roosevelt Changed the Way America Operated in the World

    Council of Foreign Relations Perspective on the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine

    Governed by Despots: John Swanson Jacobs Chronicles Enslavement and Resistance

    (reprinted with permission from New York Almanack (https://www.newyorkalmanack.com/2024/12/john-swanson-jacobs-enslavement/)

    The University of Chicago Press recently published a unique account of an escape from enslavement in North Carolina decades before the Civil War. The United States Governed by Six Hundred Thousand Despots (2024) by John Swanson Jacobs tells of his escape from enslavement by North Carolina plantation owner and Congressional Representative Samuel Sawyer in 1838 while he and the slaveholder were in transit through the City of New York. Jacobs eventually made it to Australia where his story was published serially in 1855 by the Sydney Empire. It was later republished in 1861 in London, UK under the title “A True Tale of Slavery” by The Leisure Hour: A Family Journal of Instruction and Recreation. The 1861 version of Jacob’s story is available online at the website Documenting the American South.

    John Swanson Jacobs was born in 1815 in Edenton, North Carolina, the younger brother of his better-known sister Harriet Jacobs, author of Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl (1861). Harriet Jacobs originally published her book under the pseudonym Linda Brent, possibly to protect those who remained enslaved at home. In the book she referred to her brother John as “William” and Samuel Sawyer, the white father of her two children who “owned” both them and John, as “Mr. Sands.” John Swanson Jacobs, safely in Australia, published under his own name.

    In 1838, Sawyer traveled north because he and his fiancé planned to be married in Chicago, Illinois where she had family. He was able to bring an enslaved John Swanson Jacobs with him to New York State because although slavery had been abolished there in 1828, state law permitted enslavers visiting or residing in New York part-time to maintain slaves within their households for up to nine months. This statute was not repealed until 1841.

    The following is an excerpt from chapter 5 of A TRUE TALE OF SLAVERY that was published in The Leisure Hour: A Family Journal of Instruction and Recreation (No. 478–February 21, 1861). In this excerpt, Jahn Swanson Jacobs describes his escape from slavery while in New York City.

    “THE latter end of the third year after I was sold, my master was elected Member of Congress. I was ordered to get ready for Washington . . .  After my master had been there a short time, he went to board with Mrs. P—-, who had two young nieces here, to one of whom he was soon engaged to be married. As good luck would have it, this young lady had a sister living in Chicago, and no place would suit her like that to get married in . . . Everything was ready, and the hoped-for time came. He took his intended, and off we started for the West. When we were taking the boat at Baltimore for Philadelphia, he came up to me and said, “Call me Mr. Sawyer; and if anybody asks you who you are, and where you are going, tell them that you are a free man, and hired by me.”

    We stopped two or three days at the Niagara Falls; from thence we went to Buffalo, and took the boat for Chicago; Mr. Sawyer had been here but a few days before he was taken sick. In five weeks from the time of his arrival here, he was married and ready to leave for home. On our return, we went into Canada. Here I wanted to leave him, but there was my sister and a friend of mine at home in slavery . . . I tried to get a seaman’s protection from the English Custom-house, but could not without swearing to a lie, which I did not feel disposed to do.

    We left here for New York, where we stopped three or four days. I went to see some of my old friends from home, who I knew were living there. I told them that I wanted their advice. They knew me, they knew my master, and they knew my friends also. “Now tell me my duty,” said I. The answer was a very natural one, “Look out for yourself first.” I weighed the matter in my mind, and found the balance in favour of stopping. If I returned along with my master, I could do my sister no good, and could see no further chance of my own escape. I then set myself to work to get my clothes out of the Astor House Hotel, where we were stopping; I brought them out in small parcels, as if to be washed. This job being done, the next thing was to get my trunk to put them in. I went to Mr. Johnson’s shop, which was in sight of the Astor House Hotel, and told him that I wanted to get my trunk repaired.

    The next morning I took my trunk in my hand with me: when I went down, whom should I see at the foot of the steps but Mr. Sawyer? I walked up to him, and showed him a rip in the top of the trunk, opening it at the same time that he might see that I was not running off. He told me that I could change it, or get a new one if I liked. I thanked him, and told him we were very near home now, and with a little repair the old one would do. At this we parted. I got a friend to call and get my trunk, and pack up my things for me, that I might be able to get them at any minute. Mr. Sawyer told me to get everything of his in, and be ready to leave for home the next day. I went to all the places where I had carried anything of his, and where they were not done, I got their cards and left word for them to be ready by the next morning. What I had got were packed in his trunk; what I had not been able to get, there were the cards for them in his room.

    They dine at the Astor at three o’clock; they leave the room at four o’clock; at half-past four o’clock I was to be on board the boat for Providence. Being unable to write myself at that time, and unwilling to leave him in suspense, I got a friend to write as follows: — “Sir–I have left you, not to return; when I have got settled, I will give you further satisfaction. No longer yours, JOHN S. JACOB.”

    This note was to be put into the post-office in time for him to get it the next morning. I waited on him and his wife at dinner. As the town clock struck four, I left the room. I then went through to New Bedford, where I stopped for a few months . . . The lawyer I have quite a friendly feeling for, and would be pleased to meet him as a countryman and a brother, but not as a master.”

    Once free, John Swanson Jacobs moved to New England where he became an active abolitionist. His efforts took him to Rochester, New York and vicinity on a number of occasions and to New York City at least three times, in May 1849, October 1850, and July 1862. On May 11, 1849, the New York Herald printed an account of a speech by Jacobs at an American Anti-Slavery Society meeting where he called on attendees to make it “disreputable” for people who claimed to be Christians to hold other people in bondage. According to North Star on October 24, 1850, Jacobs spoke in New York City calling for active resistance to fugitive slave laws following the seizure of James “Hamlet” Hamilton by slavecatchers and on July 28, 1862, New York Independent reported on an interview with Jacobs where he recounted his experience as a cook on a British ship, with the support of British authorities in the Bahamas, that was attempting to enter the port of Charleston, South Carolina in violation of the federal blockade of Southern ports (252-258). Excerpts from these articles follow.

    “A slaveholder named Skinner, who was a skinner in every sense of the word, was in the habit of coming every year, to visit his brother, Re. Dr. Skinner, who . . . lived at 160 Green[e] street; and yet the baby-stealing, women-whipping tyrant never received a rebuke from his reverend brother, at whose table he sat . . . If anyone asked him what must be done to abolish slavery, his answer was, that it must cease to be respectable. They must make it disreputable, and then slaveholders would be ashamed of it . . . If they had less of religion, and more of Christianity, it would be all for the better” (252-254).

    “My colored brethren, if you have not sword, I say to you, sell your garments and buy one . . . I would, my friends, advise you to show a front to our tyrants, and arm yourselves; aye, I would advise the women to have their knives too . . . I advise you to trample on this bill, and I further advise you to let us go on immediately, and act like men” (256).

    “[A] very intelligent colored man, formerly a slave in North Carolina, but recently for several years a resident of England, called at our office the other day, and related facts showing that British vessels are stilled engaged in running our blockade, and that the British officials in the Bahamas are, if possible, more inimical to our Union than are the same class of people at home . . . He shipped as a cook on board the steamship Lloyds, at London . . . ‘for Havana and any of the West Indies Islands’ . . . the captain (Smith) announced to the crew that he designed to run the blockade before Charleston, and offered three months pay extra to such as would remain with the ship . . . Jacobs refused to go to Charleston at any price whatever, and demanded, what was his undoubted right, that he be sent home to London. After various efforts on the part of Capt. Smith to indure (sic) Jacobs to either go to Charleston or to settle and sign a satisfaction, he attempted coercion. He had Jacobs taken before a police magistrate to answer the charge of having deserted the ship . . . The law was all on the side of Jacobs, but the public sentiment of Nassau was so strongly against him, and in favor of the unlawful and contraband trade with the Rebels” (257-258).

    Governed by Despots: John Swanson Jacobs Chronicles Enslavement and Resistance

    The University of Chicago Press recently published a unique account of an escape from enslavement in North Carolina decades before the Civil War. The United States Governed by Six Hundred Thousand Despots (2024) by John Swanson Jacobs tells of his escape from enslavement by North Carolina plantation owner and Congressional Representative Samuel Sawyer in 1838 while he and the slaveholder were in transit through the City of New York. Jacobs eventually made it to Australia where his story was published serially in 1855 by the Sydney Empire. It was later republished in 1861 in London, UK under the title “A True Tale of Slavery” by The Leisure Hour: A Family Journal of Instruction and Recreation. The 1861 version of Jacob’s story is available online at the website Documenting the American South.

    John Swanson Jacobs was born in 1815 in Edenton, North Carolina, the younger brother of his better-known sister Harriet Jacobs, author of Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl (1861). Harriet Jacobs originally published her book under the pseudonym Linda Brent, possibly to protect those who remained enslaved at home. In the book she referred to her brother John as “William” and Samuel Sawyer, the white father of her two children who “owned” both them and John, as “Mr. Sands.” John Swanson Jacobs, safely in Australia, published under his own name.

    In 1838, Sawyer traveled north because he and his fiancé planned to be married in Chicago, Illinois where she had family. He was able to bring an enslaved John Swanson Jacobs with him to New York State because although slavery had been abolished there in 1828, state law permitted enslavers visiting or residing in New York part-time to maintain slaves within their households for up to nine months. This statute was not repealed until 1841.

    The following is an excerpt from chapter 5 of A TRUE TALE OF SLAVERY that was published in The Leisure Hour: A Family Journal of Instruction and Recreation (No. 478–February 21, 1861). In this excerpt, Jahn Swanson Jacobs describes his escape from slavery while in New York City.

    “THE latter end of the third year after I was sold, my master was elected Member of Congress. I was ordered to get ready for Washington . . .  After my master had been there a short time, he went to board with Mrs. P—-, who had two young nieces here, to one of whom he was soon engaged to be married. As good luck would have it, this young lady had a sister living in Chicago, and no place would suit her like that to get married in . . . Everything was ready, and the hoped-for time came. He took his intended, and off we started for the West. When we were taking the boat at Baltimore for Philadelphia, he came up to me and said, “Call me Mr. Sawyer; and if anybody asks you who you are, and where you are going, tell them that you are a free man, and hired by me.”

    We stopped two or three days at the Niagara Falls; from thence we went to Buffalo, and took the boat for Chicago; Mr. Sawyer had been here but a few days before he was taken sick. In five weeks from the time of his arrival here, he was married and ready to leave for home. On our return, we went into Canada. Here I wanted to leave him, but there was my sister and a friend of mine at home in slavery . . . I tried to get a seaman’s protection from the English Custom-house, but could not without swearing to a lie, which I did not feel disposed to do.

    We left here for New York, where we stopped three or four days. I went to see some of my old friends from home, who I knew were living there. I told them that I wanted their advice. They knew me, they knew my master, and they knew my friends also. “Now tell me my duty,” said I. The answer was a very natural one, “Look out for yourself first.” I weighed the matter in my mind, and found the balance in favour of stopping. If I returned along with my master, I could do my sister no good, and could see no further chance of my own escape. I then set myself to work to get my clothes out of the Astor House Hotel, where we were stopping; I brought them out in small parcels, as if to be washed. This job being done, the next thing was to get my trunk to put them in. I went to Mr. Johnson’s shop, which was in sight of the Astor House Hotel, and told him that I wanted to get my trunk repaired.

    The next morning I took my trunk in my hand with me: when I went down, whom should I see at the foot of the steps but Mr. Sawyer? I walked up to him, and showed him a rip in the top of the trunk, opening it at the same time that he might see that I was not running off. He told me that I could change it, or get a new one if I liked. I thanked him, and told him we were very near home now, and with a little repair the old one would do. At this we parted. I got a friend to call and get my trunk, and pack up my things for me, that I might be able to get them at any minute. Mr. Sawyer told me to get everything of his in, and be ready to leave for home the next day. I went to all the places where I had carried anything of his, and where they were not done, I got their cards and left word for them to be ready by the next morning. What I had got were packed in his trunk; what I had not been able to get, there were the cards for them in his room.

    They dine at the Astor at three o’clock; they leave the room at four o’clock; at half-past four o’clock I was to be on board the boat for Providence. Being unable to write myself at that time, and unwilling to leave him in suspense, I got a friend to write as follows: — “Sir–I have left you, not to return; when I have got settled, I will give you further satisfaction. No longer yours, JOHN S. JACOB.”


    This note was to be put into the post-office in time for him to get it the next morning. I waited on him and his wife at dinner. As the town clock struck four, I left the room. I then went through to New Bedford, where I stopped for a few months . . . The lawyer I have quite a friendly feeling for, and would be pleased to meet him as a countryman and a brother, but not as a master.”

    Once free, John Swanson Jacobs moved to New England where he became an active abolitionist. His efforts took him to Rochester, New York and vicinity on a number of occasions and to New York City at least three times, in May 1849, October 1850, and July 1862. On May 11, 1849, the New York Herald printed an account of a speech by Jacobs at an American Anti-Slavery Society meeting where he called on attendees to make it “disreputable” for people who claimed to be Christians to hold other people in bondage. According to North Star on October 24, 1850, Jacobs spoke in New York City calling for active resistance to fugitive slave laws following the seizure of James “Hamlet” Hamilton by slavecatchers and on July 28, 1862, New York Independent reported on an interview with Jacobs where he recounted his experience as a cook on a British ship, with the support of British authorities in the Bahamas, that was attempting to enter the port of Charleston, South Carolina in violation of the federal blockade of Southern ports (252-258). Excerpts from these articles follow.

    American Anti-Slavery Society (New York Herald, May 11, 1849)

    Meeting of the Colored Citizens of New York (North Star, October 24, 1850)

    Running the Blockade (New York Independent, July 28, 1862)

    “[A] very intelligent colored man, formerly a slave in North Carolina, but recently for several years a resident of England, called at our office the other day, and related facts showing that British vessels are stilled engaged in running our blockade, and that the British officials in the Bahamas are, if possible, more inimical to our Union than are the same class of people at home . . . He shipped as a cook on board the steamship Lloyds, at London . . . ‘for Havana and any of the West Indies Islands’ . . . the captain (Smith) announced to the crew that he designed to run the blockade before Charleston, and offered three months pay extra to such as would remain with the ship . . . Jacobs refused to go to Charleston at any price whatever, and demanded, what was his undoubted right, that he be sent home to London. After various efforts on the part of Capt. Smith to indure (sic) Jacobs to either go to Charleston or to settle and sign a satisfaction, he attempted coercion. He had Jacobs taken before a police magistrate to answer the charge of having deserted the ship . . . The law was all on the side of Jacobs, but the public sentiment of Nassau was so strongly against him, and in favor of the unlawful and contraband trade with the Rebels” (257-258).

    The Exploitation of Enslaved Women During The 18th Century Colonial America

    Logan Stovall

    Logan Stovall is an eighth grade student at Montclair Kimberley Academy in Montclair, NJ

    The 18th century represents a dark period in American history when the institution of slavery thrived, and the exploitation of enslaved Black women flourished. The cruel realities endured by Black women during this time were not only a consequence of their enslavement but were magnified by both their race and gender, perpetuating a cycle of inequality and suffering. Beyond the physical captivity, these women endured a complex oppression that not only involved grueling labor but also made them victims of sexual violence. The harsh reality of this oppression becomes evident when one reflects on how the clothing worn by enslaved Black women served as a physical manifestation of their fragile existence. The clothes they wore were not just rags or pieces of fabric used to cover their bodies; they represented a system that dehumanized and abused them.  During the 18th century, an enslaved Black woman’s gender and race primarily affected the way she lived and thrived in an illiberal society. Understanding the exploitation of enslaved Black women during the American colonial era requires a closer look into the sweat of their daily labor, the sexual abuse they endured, and the clothing they wore that bound them to such a harsh life.

    However, before any analysis regarding the exploitation of enslaved Black women is made, one must first consider that the racial stereotypes and discriminatory practices against enslaved Black women during the colonial era were the underlying causes of their mistreatment. The widely accepted racist ideas of Antebellum white slaveholders led them to think of their enslaved people as both biologically and culturally inferior. Due to their understanding of the social hierarchy at this time, slaveholders often whipped and physically mistreated enslaved women under their supervision.[i] In addition to the racist beliefs they held, slaveholders also created various stereotypes about enslaved Black women. One such popular stereotype was the “Mammy” caricature. The “mammy caricature” depicted enslaved Black women as enjoying their servitude, being physically unattractive, and only fit to be domestic workers.[ii]

    In contrast to the “mammy caricature”, slave owners also created a more promiscuous stereotype of enslaved Black women: the “Jezebel” figure. The Jezebel caricature was used during slavery to justify a slaveholder’s objectification and sexual exploitation of enslaved Black women.[iii] The Mammy and Jezebel caricatures, along with various other derogatory stereotypes that plagued enslaved Black women, heavily influenced how the rest of the White population during the Antebellum period perceived and treated Black women. Sadly, these caricatures endured for decades even after colonial times.

    With racial stereotyping forming the underlying cause of discrimination against Black women, a significant amount of White slave masters often subjected Black women to harsh labor conditions. Enslaved women were often forced to work in the fields from sunrise to sunset where they endured physical and emotional abuse. On larger farms and plantations, for example, women were forced to perform tasks like hoeing and ditching entire fields. These were the most exhausting and uninteresting forms of fieldwork.[iv] Slaveholders also held enslaved women accountable for cleaning and tidying communal areas like stables and expected them to spread manure as a fertilizer.[v] Moreover, slave owners frequently questioned how much time off enslaved women needed to adequately take care of their families and children. When not offered any downtime by their slaveholders, enslaved women had to bring their children with them to the fields and strap them to their backs as they worked tirelessly. [vi]

    Black women’s exploitation extended beyond the fields. In many instances, the labor performed by enslaved women was prolonged and complicated. For example, many enslaved women began to work for slaveholders at a very young age. There was little free time for enslaved women to rest, given that most women worked for their master five to six days a week. This included keeping the owner’s homes clean, cooking food, and washing their clothes.[vii] In short, enslaved women were expected to work tirelessly, both in the fields and in the house. The slave masters did not care about  the well-being of their enslaved women and exploited them for their free labor.  For Black women, slavery in the southern colonies meant long days performing menial, exhausting tasks, sometimes in the hot, baking sun.  After working prolonged, hard days for the slaveholders, these women had to care for their own families, which was often a physical and mental challenge due to the absence of time to rest. When enslaved women did not meet the expectations for their work by their enslaver, they would oftentimes be taken advantage of sexually or physically assaulted as a form of punishment. Unfortunately, this possibility became a reality for many enslaved Black women.

    Indeed, as the slave population in America grew larger through the importation of slaves, enslaved Black women primarily as reproducers of a valuable labor force rather than merely a part of the labor force.  The sexual exploitation of Black women extended from sexual gratification of their White slaveholders to include reproducing offspring that would expand their workforce. Though slave owners valued enslaved women as laborers, they were also well aware that female slaves could be used to successfully reproduce new labor (more children who would grow up to be slaves) by continuing their role as full-time mothers.[viii] This presented slaveholders with a dilemma because West African women usually had some prior agricultural experience (like growing tobacco and rice) which could be used to the slaveholders’ benefit.[ix]

    In 1756, Reverend Peter Fontaine of Charles City County, Virginia, stated that Black females were “far more prolific than…white women.” This form of racial stereotyping made enslaved women extremely vulnerable to physical assault.[x] Many white enslavers raped Black women for sexual pleasure, as well as for their ability to produce children who would become slaves and ultimately increase their wealth. Instead of perpetuating the stereotype that all enslaved Black women were unattractive and were only fit to be domestic workers, they now were feeding into the stereotype that Black women were promiscuous and desired for the reproduction of enslaved children who could be used or sold. This form of physical exploitation was pervasive throughout the Antebellum South.

    In addition to labor and sexual exploitation, clothing was another form of exploitation that enslaved Black women were forced to endure. While these women often knitted or otherwise made beautiful garments for White women and their children, the fabrics that enslaved Black women wore themselves offered minimal protection from the weather and had to be inexpensive and easy to make.[xi] Their clothing was so cheap in quality that it often disassembled or tore within weeks. As a result, enslaved women often borrowed clothing from one another or even stole clothing from the slave master’s house. They did this to give themselves or their families warm, sustainable garments, and sometimes, to blend into the free population. Oppressors often made enslaved women wear poor, rugged clothing to symbolize a Black woman’s low status and to cultivate racial stereotypes depicting Black women as inferior. Indeed, one reason why enslaved women wanted to steal White people’s clothes was because they wanted to appear as free Black people with increased status.[xii]

    Despite being subjected to clothing exploitation, many enslaved women nevertheless tried to continue to be connected to their former culture by wearing West African garments. Enslaved women working in slaveholders’ homes were expected to cover their heads with lightweight white caps, which other members of the household also wore. However, to continue the West African tradition, many enslaved women also chose to wear brightly colored head wraps that surrounded their heads and were secured with knots and tucking’s.[xiii] They also sometimes wore cowrie shells in their hair; which were very expensive and far more valuable than money. These cowrie shells also appeared in spirit bundles as parts of clothing and jewelry, implying their use as amulets.

    Black women not only wore these West African garments to remain connected with their former cultures, but they also wore the garments as a form of resistance against enslavement.[xiv] Enslaved Black women despised their status as slaves but were able to feel proud about and connect to their former West African heritage when they wore their cultural headdresses. The significance of these garments likely gave Black women a feeling of strength and empowerment as they were emotionally frightened by the abuse they faced from their enslavers.

    During the 18th century, the exploitation of enslaved Black women through their gender and race greatly influenced the way they survived and flourished in a prejudicial society. Enslaved women were exploited in numerous ways and were expected to address the needs of others to the detriment of caring for themselves and their families. They worked extremely hard, both in the house and in the field, and did whatever they were commanded to do withstanding both physical and emotional abuse. They were often raped through their shabby clothing and physically assaulted by their master’s for punishment, as a means to increase their profit in human labor. But still, an enslaved Black woman was able to overcome these acts of exploitation non-violently and create her own peace by wearing and displaying garments that were distinct to her West African culture. Given all that these enslaved women endured, we should respect and admire their ability to overcome such incredible hardships.

    Smithsonian, and National Museum of African American History and Culture. “Cowrie Shells and Trade Power.” National Museum of African American History and Culture. Accessed November 15, 2023. https://nmaahc.si.edu/cowrie-shells-and-trade-power#:~:text=Europeans%20in%20the%2016th%20century,at%20their%20use%20as%20amulets .


    [i] LDHI, “Hidden Voices: Enslaved Women in the Lowcountry and U.S. South,” LDHI, accessed November 27, 2023, https://ldhi.library.cofc.edu/exhibits/show/hidden-voices/enslaved-womens-work.

    [ii] LDHI, “Hidden Voices,” LDHI.

    [iii] LDHI, “Hidden Voices,” LDHI.

    [iv] Jennifer Hallam, “The Slave Experience: Men, Women & Gender,” Slavery and the Making of America, accessed November 27, 2023, https://www.thirteen.org/wnet/slavery/experience/gender/history.html.

    [v] Emily West, Enslaved Women in America: From Colonial Times to Emancipation (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2017), 29

    [vi] West, Enslaved Women, 28.

    [vii] LDHI, “Hidden Voices,” LDHI.

    [viii] West, Enslaved Women, 28.

    [ix] West, Enslaved Women, 29

    [x] West, Enslaved Women, 31.

    [xi] Daina Ramey Berry and Deleso A. Alford, eds., Enslaved Women in America: An Encyclopedia enhanced credo edition ed. (Santa Barbara, CA: Greenwood, 2012), 34 and 35.

    [xii] Katherine Gruber, ed., “Clothing and Adornment of Enslaved People in Virginia,” Encyclopedia Virginia, last modified December 7, 2020, accessed November 5, 2023, https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/slave-clothing-and-adornment-in-virginia/.

    [xiii] Gruber, “Clothing and Adornment,” Encyclopedia Virginia.

    [xiv] Smithsonian and National Museum of African American History and Culture, “Cowrie Shells and Trade Power,” National Museum of African American History and Culture, accessed November 15, 2023, https://nmaahc.si.edu/cowrie-shells-and-trade-power#:~:text=Europeans%20in%20the%2016th%20century,at%20their%20use%20as%20amulets.


    Berry, Daina Ramey, and Deleso A. Alford, eds. Enslaved Women in America: An Encyclopedia. Enhanced Credo edition ed. Santa Barbara, CA: Greenwood, 2012.

    Gruber , Katherine, ed. “Clothing and Adornment of Enslaved People in Virginia.” Encyclopedia Virginia. Last modified December 7, 2020. Accessed November 5, 2023. https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/slave-clothing-and-adornment-in-virginia/.

    Hallam, Jennifer. “The Slave Experience: Men, Women & Gender.” Slavery and the Making of America. Accessed November 27, 2023. https://www.thirteen.org/wnet/slavery/experience/gender/history.html.

    LDHI. “Hidden Voices: Enslaved Women in the Lowcountry and U.S. South.” LDHI. Accessed November 27, 2023. https://ldhi.library.cofc.edu/exhibits/show/hidden-voices/enslaved-womens-work.

    West, Emily. Enslaved Women in America: From Colonial Times to Emancipation. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2017.

    The Eight: The Lemmon Slave Case and the Fight for Freedom

    The Eight tells the story of Lemmon v. New York—or, as it’s more popularly known, the Lemmon Slave Case. All but forgotten today, it was one of the most momentous civil rights cases in American history. There had been cases in which the enslaved had won their freedom after having resided in free states, but the Lemmon case was unique, posing the question of whether an enslaved person can win freedom by merely setting foot on New York soil—when brought there in the keep of an “owner.” The case concerned the fates of eight enslaved people from Virginia, brought through New York in 1852 by their owners, Juliet and Jonathan Lemmon. The Eight were in court seeking, legally, to become people—to change their status under law from objects into human beings. The Eight encountered Louis Napoleon, the son of a slave, an abolitionist activist, and a “conductor” of the Underground Railroad, who took enormous risks to help others. He was part of an anti-slavery movement in which African Americans played an integral role in the fight for freedom. The case was part of the broader judicial landscape at the time: If a law was morally repugnant but enshrined in the Constitution, what was the duty of the judge? Should there be, as some people advocated, a “higher law” that transcends the written law? These questions were at the heart of the Lemmon case. They were difficult and important ones in the 1850s—and, more than a century and a half later, we must still grapple with them today.

    Teaching with Documents: Wallace’s Defense of Segregation

    Alabama Governor George Wallace delivers his first inaugural address.

    In Freedom’s Dominion: A Saga of White Resistance to Federal Power (Basic Books, 2002), Jefferson Cowie focused on the history Barbour County, Alabama, to document the way a deeply self-serving concept of “freedom” was used by whites to justify racist policies. It was all about their “freedom.” White freedom meant freedom from government restraints; freedom from taxes to support public institutions and services; freedom to own and use guns; and freedom to mistreat African Americans without federal intervention. White freedom, dating to the era of Black enslavement and Jim Crow segregation, equated with racism. Source:https://www.nytimes.com/2022/12/12/books/review/freedoms-dominion-jefferson-cowie.html

    Sadly, fear of federal imposition on white freedom remains alive and well today and was part of the justification for the January 6, 2021 insurrection at the United States Capitol building in Washington DC and is the ideological underpinning for the attack on Critical Race Theory by Florida Governor Ron DeSantis and other conservative Republicans. When DeSantis was reelected in November 2022, he declared that his election signified “Freedom is here to stay!” Polls repeatedly show that a large majority of white voters who identify as Republican believe that there is discrimination against white people in the United States and that little or nothing needs to be done to ensure equal rights for African Americans and other minority groups.

    Sources: https://www.local10.com/vote-2022/2022/11/08/is-desantis-on-path-to-remain-governor-of-florida/https://thehill.com/hilltv/what-americas-thinking/433270-poll-republicans-and-democrats-differ-strongly-on-whether-white/https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2021/08/12/deep-divisions-in-americans-views-of-nations-racial-history-and-how-to-address-it/

    Barbour County’s best-known native son was George Wallace, Governor of Alabama from 1963 to 1967, 1971 to 1979, and 1983 to 1987. Wallace was also a candidate for President of the United States four times, both in Democratic Party primaries and as an independent candidate. In June 1963, while Governor of Alabama, Wallace staged standing in the entrance to the University of Alabama in Tuscaloosa to block the enrollment of Black students. In defiance of a federal court order, he accused the federal government of usurping state authority in the field of education by calling for desegregation. Wallace finally backed down when the Kennedy Administration federalized Units of the 31st (Dixie) Division of the Alabama National Guard.

    Source: https://archive.nytimes.com/www.nytimes.com/library/national/race/061263race-ra.html

    For Black History Month, students, Black, white, Asian, and Latinx, should read texts and listen to speeches by inspiring Black authors and orators. But to understand the depth of racism in the past and today, they also need to read and understand racist texts that defended slavery and racial segregation. In his January 1963 inaugural address, George Wallace, as the newly elected governor of Alabama, issued a defiant defense of racial segregation. At the time, only fourteen percent of eligible Black citizens were registered to vote in Alabama although at least 30% of the population was Black. Poll taxes, literacy tests, and hostile registrars effectively ensured white supremacy, white freedom, in the state. Sources: https://rediscovering-black-history.blogs.archives.gov/2016/10/25/voting-rights-in-the-early-1960s-registering-who-they-wanted-to/; http://www.bplonline.org/resources/government/AlabamaPopulation.aspx

    “Segregation Now, Segregation Forever” (1963)

    By Alabama Governor George Wallace

    A. “Before I begin my talk with you, I want to ask you for a few minutes patience while I say something that is on my heart: I want to thank those home folks of my county who first gave an anxious country boy his opportunity to serve in State politics. I shall always owe a lot to those who gave me that first opportunity to serve . . . This is the day of my Inauguration as Governor of the State of Alabama. And on this day I feel a deep obligation to renew my pledges, my covenants with you . . . the people of this great state.”

    B. “General Robert E. Lee said that ‘duty’ is the sublimest word on the English language and I have come, increasingly, to realize what he meant. I SHALL do my duty to you, God helping . . . to every man, to every woman . . . yes, to every child in this state . . . I shall fulfill my duty in working hard to bring industry into our state, not only by maintaining an honest, sober and free­ enterprise climate of government in which industry can have confidence . . . but in going out and getting it . . . so that our people can have industrial jobs in Alabama and provide a better life for their children.”

    C. “Today I have stood, where once Jefferson Davis stood, and took an oath to my people. It is very appropriate then that from this Cradle of the Confederacy, this very Heart of the Great Anglo­ Saxon Southland, that today we sound the drum for freedom as have our generations of forebears before us done, time and time again through history. Let us rise to the call of freedom­ loving blood that is in us and send our answer to the tyranny that clanks its chains upon the South. In the name of the greatest people that have ever trod this earth, I draw the line in the dust and toss the gauntlet before the feet of tyranny . . . and I say . . . segregation today . . . segregation tomorrow . . . segregation forever.”

    1. Who did Wallace quote on the importance of “duty”? What signal was Wallace sending to his audience by quoting him?
    2. What other references does Wallace make in the speech to ensure his audience understands his political point of view?
    3. How does Wallace propose to battle “tyranny” and defend “freedom”?
    4. Wallace pledged to honor “covenants with you . . . the people of this great state.” In your opinion, to who was Wallace referring? What evidence in the text supports this interpretation?