Tag: History

Using Rivers as a Contextual Bridge to Connect K-8 Students to Their Communities

Using Rivers as a Contextual Bridge to Connect K-8 Students to Their Communities

November 1, 2024 Heather Fenyk

By LRWP Board Members Missy Holzer and Heather Fenyk

For K-12 students, there is only one New Jersey Student Learning Standard (NJSLS) on rivers: “Use maps to identify physical features (e.g., continents, oceans, rivers, lakes, mountains).” On Monday October 20, Lower Raritan Watershed Partnership Board Members Missy Holzer and Heather Fenyk joined K-12 educators attending the New Jersey Council for the Social Studies annual conference to lead what we hope was the first of many workshops to support educators and students in using maps and rivers to learn about, and connect to, their communities. We now invite K-12 educators from all disciplines to explore curricular materials we shared at our NJCSS2024 session, titled “Using Rivers as a Contextual Bridge to Connect K-8 Students to Their Communities: A First Nations Perspective.” A curriculum guide and all workshop materials, including the powerpoint, bibliography, and detailed teacher and student case study guides, are available at: https://tinyurl.com/LRWP24NJCSS.

This LRWP workshop for social studies teachers emerged from our own place-based, problem-based teaching orientation, and built specifically on our Spring 2024 volunteer eel monitoring program. We centered the lesson around a special case study: “The Mystery of the Missing American Glass Eels,” and also worked to support educator comfort with using maps, particularly topographic maps, as tools for student understanding of change to their local landscape over time. Our aim, as always, is to help educators use local waterways to connect students to their backyards, while developing our next generation of local stewards.

While it may seem unusual for an environmental non-profit to engage with K-12 social studies educators, the LRWP sees great potential to connect with multiple disciplines, including social studies, science, math and art. From the past to the present, and into the future, New Jersey’s waterways were and are vital to our existence. Besides being a continual source of water, our rivers, streams, and canals have implicitly and explicitly shaped our presence in the state. Drinking water, food, transportation (people and goods), industry, energy, and recreation are a few of the services our waterways have contributed to life in New Jersey.

Viewing our waterways from a watershed perspective that includes all the tributaries, rivers, and wetlands within a drainage area, connects communities to each other as much as they connect the flow of water from the headwaters of a river to the sea. Our Lower Raritan Watershed, its lands, streams, and the Raritan River, offer a host of case-based, problem-based, and place-based approaches to formal and informal investigation of these connections from the past, present, and future. The LRWP invites formal and informal educators to connect with us to discuss opportunities to partner for classroom or field based approaches to learning and inquiry.

The First World War and New York City

The First World War and New York City


Jaap Harskamp

Reposted with permission from New York Almanack

On April 6, 1917, President Woodrow Wilson declared America’s entrance into the First World War and initiated a nation wide drive to strengthen the armed forces. It was decided that the commemorations of Patriots’ Day on April 19 should coincide with a “Wake up America Day” of
recruitment. Every city hosted its own parties and spectacles.

In New York City, festivities were organized with decorated floats, patriotic banners and a grand vaudeville at Carnegie Hall starring Will Rogers, Ethel Barrymore, and others. James Montgomery Flagg designed the posters announcing the event. Fifth Avenue hosted a parade, whilst Army and Navy planes dropped pamphlets encouraging the crowd to summon the “Spirit of 1776.”

The manifestation started with a parade that re-enacted Paul Revere’s legendary “Midnight Ride” in April 1775 to warn the colonial militia of approaching British forces. At midnight the bells at
Trinity Church rang whilst, dressed as a Continental soldier, a young feminist named Jean Earle Moehle rode on horseback through Manhattan beckoning both men and women to “wake up” to the fight.

Despite America’s initial neutrality, the conflict was a headache for New York’s authorities. After recent mass arrivals, the city was largely populated by first- or second-generation European immigrants.

With their former homelands at war, residents responded by either declaring allegiance to the “motherland” or by identifying with their adopted nation and engaging in debates regarding the morality of global war.

The arguments were taken outdoors. The fighting front may have been far away, but the battle raged on the streets of the city. The war sharpened the focus on issues of American and civic identity.

A City of foreign villages? New York had grown rapidly with different immigrant nationalities living in a network of small communities. By 1900, the metropolis consisted of multiple foreign “villages” with a population that included 300,000 Germans; 275,000 Irish; 155,000 Russians; 145,000 Italians; 117,000 Austro Hungarians; 90,000 British; 30,000 Polish people and many other smaller groupings.

One of the most extensive communities was Little Germany (Klein Deutschland) in the Lower East Side where German banks, businesses, breweries and newspapers flourished. Little Italy (Piccola Italia) on Mulberry Street was likened to an insular Neapolitan village with its own language, customs, and institutions.

By 1900 there were many other ethnic enclaves dotted around the city. Little Syria was centered on Washington and Rector streets. Its name derived from some 95,000 Arabs who had arrived from Ottoman controlled Greater Syria (covering what is now Syria, Lebanon, Palestine and Jordan) in the Great Migration between 1880 and the early 1920s. In 1892, the first American-Arabic language newspaper Kawkab America (Planet of America) was printed there.

Throughout the nineteenth century New York served as a financial hub for industrial growth and became the nation’s de facto cultural capital. It created a divided city. While Fifth Avenue and the Central Park district were monopolized by the elite, part of Manhattan’s Lower East Side was stricken by poverty. New York’s political landscape became shaped by migration issues in which the Democratic Party and Tammany Hall dominated municipal government.

The loyalty of immigrants to the Democratic Party was born out of the perception that the city’s wealth was not shared, causing stark levels of inequality. The rule of oligarchs also caused the emergence of anarchist groups. It was against this background of social unrest and militancy that New York City was drawn into the war in Europe.


Divided loyalties

The United States initially decided on neutrality for a number of reasons. It was generally expected that the “distant” war would not last long. Politicians agreed that the fragile status quo between communities with ancestral ties to either the Allied or the Central Powers should not be endangered as the war was bringing conflicting ties and allegiances to the fore.

The German-language New Yorker Staats-Zeitung extolled the virtues of the German Kaiser; the Yiddish socialist Forverts(Forward) explained the murder of Austria’s Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo as a consequence of social repression; and the Gaelic American complained that Britain’s colonial rule forced Ireland into entering the war. Large crowds with divided loyalties gathered
around newspaper offices in Times Square and Herald Square to learn the latest news from the battlefields.

Consulates encouraged patriotic support. Schemes were set up to raise money for war widows and orphans. German-American residents paraded down Fifth Avenue and queued to sign up. City authorities became increasingly concerned that New York’s diverse population could prove to be a tinderbox of a conflict that was ripping Europe apart. Demonstrations of sympathy towards any of the combatants were soon forbidden.

In spite of internal tensions, Woodrow Wilson’s decision not to get involved was shared by many. That consensus changed when both Germany and Britain started targeting enemy supply lines on the high seas. The British North Sea blockade annoyed politicians, but the German move towards “total” submarine warfare became intolerable once American ships were attacked and lives lost at sea. Outrage was expressed after a German U Boat torpedoed the British liner Lusitania off the coast of Ireland on May 7, 1915, killing 1,198 civilians, 128 Americans among them.

Closing ranks

Parades for and against military participation were held around the nation. Woodrow Wilson remained determined not to take sides. Why would a President who was of Ulster-Scottish descent and the son of a Presbyterian minister commit himself to a morally abhorrent conflict that might spill over into the streets of American cities? Why imperil an emerging economy that was heavily dependent on trade with the United Kingdom in particular, closely followed by Germany?

Former President Theodore Roosevelt by contrast advocated expanding the military in anticipation of a widening of hostilities, especially since Wilson’s appeals for peace talks and offers of mediation were ignored.

One effect of growing public anger was unease about New York City’s “American” identity. Addressing an audience at Carnegie Hall in October 1915, Roosevelt stated that “hyphenated
Americanism” was no longer tolerable. His words instigated a period of chauvinistic jingoism, accompanied by a campaign of orchestrated propaganda that permeated the city.

With the formation of the Preparedness Movement in August 1915 and the concurrent rise of the National Security League (NSL: a quasi-paramilitary organization which campaigned for the assertion of “American” values), New York’s streets were closely observed by municipal and national authorities. The call for Americanization had a belligerent undertone intended to ensure law and order amongst a split population.

Americans started to doubt Wilson’s policy of “armed neutrality” and were getting ready for intervention. On May 13, 1916, a Preparedness Parade along Fifth Avenue was attended by an estimated 130,000 marchers who joined ranks behind a banner that proclaimed, “Absolute and
Unqualified Loyalty to our Country.” The manifestation inspired Childe Hassam’s painting “Flags, Fifth Avenue.” An anti-German Francophile, the artist passionately backed the Allied cause.

Isolated incidents intensified the city’s febrile atmosphere. The Black Tom Island Explosion in New York Harbor on July 30, 1916, which destroyed a large ammunition depot, damaging the Statue of Liberty and buildings in downtown Manhattan, heightened the suspicion that German saboteurs were active in the city (although arrests were made, the culprits were never identified).

Americans & traitors

Responding to recent news of the February Revolution in Russia, New York’s 95th Mayor John Purroy Mitchel stated in an address of March 1917 to a gathering of Russian-Americans that the
city’s citizens should be divided in two classes: “Americans and traitors.”

In April 1917, Wilson went before Congress to ask for a declaration of war. He cited Germany’s resumption of submarine warfare, its sabotage, and the revelation of the “Zimmermann Telegram” (an attempt by the German Foreign Office to recruit Mexico to attack the United States) as evidence of the nation’s hostile intent. It was a pivotal moment. For the first time in the nation’s history, America joined a coalition to fight a war not on its own soil or of its own making. The decision transformed life in New York City. All foreign-language publications were monitored; socialist and anarchist newspapers were censored or restricted.

Vigilantes attacked people identified as “pro-German”; schools sacked German teachers; butchers no longer sold Frankfurters; orchestras stopped playing German masterpieces; the German American Bank was re-introduced as the Continental Bank of New York; and countless German-Americans changed their names to demonstrate their loyalty.

Six weeks after formally entering the war, Congress passed the Selective Service Act which authorized the government to impose conscription. Men between the ages of twenty-one and forty
five were required to register for military service. The move was widely resisted. As the spectre of the 1863 Draft Riots haunted politicians, the process in New York (and elsewhere) was enforced by a heavy police presence, backed up by NSL volunteers. Patriotism was tightly policed.

Speaking out against the war meant risking prosecution, while posters whipped up emotions and encouraged subjects to enlist, conserve food, buy liberty bonds and keep on the lookout for foreign spies. The (intimidating) calls for loyalty raised the issue of citizenship, especially amongst African-Americans.

By supporting the government’s call many black leaders hoped to gain full citizenship, but others suspected that the war would lead to more injustice. In response to racist perpetrating the East St
Louis Massacre, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and African-American Churches in Harlem conducted a Silent Parade on July 28, 1917, in which about 10,000 participants marched along Fifth Avenue.

Protesters carried banners and placards that alluded to a draft that demanded African-Americans to fight for freedom and democracy in Europe, whilst they themselves were not only deprived of representation and equal rights, but in danger of being assaulted or lynched.


“Real Americans”


Through conscription, the army grew in a relatively brief period from a constabulary force of some 300,000 troops to an American Expeditionary Force (AEF) of more than four million soldiers. These
forces reflected the population’s ethnic and racial diversity.

The slogan “Americans All!” promoted wartime service as a unifying experience that rendered differences in language, culture and religion irrelevant – but race still mattered. The army-at-war
remained rigidly segregated.

When American forces arrived in Europe, they quickly turned the tide in favor of Britain and France, leading to an Allied victory in November 1918. They had been engaged in six months of fighting at
the cost of 53,000 lives. In addition, nearly 63,000 men died of disease, primarily from influenza (misnamed “the Spanish flu”), and 200,000 veterans returned home wounded.

The number of casualties weighed on Wilson’s conscience. It motivated him to support the creation of an international body based on collective security. Even though joining the League of Nations would require the United States to sacrifice a measure of sovereignty, the President was prepared to pay the price for the sake of peace.

His opponents declared it foolish to relinquish America’s newfound stature as a military superpower. The toxic discussion on what later became known as “America First” has divided opinion ever since.

The marking of the Armistice in November 1918 was a moment that New Yorkers came together to celebrate their collective identity. Whereas in 1914, German-Americans had paraded down Fifth Avenue proclaiming their attachment both to the Fatherland and to the United States, now mobs of cheering citizens kicked effigies of the Kaiser through the city. The war had turned New Yorkers into “real” Americans.

Book Review – Sapiens: A Brief History of Humankind

Sapiens: A Brief History of Humankind

by Yuval Noah Harari

This book is incredibly interesting and brings up a lot of new information and stresses new and up-to-date theories such as an insistence on the co-existence of several “different types” of humans—including yet another explanation of why Homo sapiens and the Neanderthals must have co-existed.
Also detailed here are a few possible reasons the Neanderthals did not make it but Sapiens did.

This is a big book, full of theories, illustrations, great examples, and of course a lot of information about the origins, descriptors, capacities, abilities, and developmental stages of Homo sapiens. The
book is divided into four main sections all relating directly to Homo sapiens: The Cognitive Revolution; The Agricultural Revolution; The Unification of Mankind, and The Scientific Revolution.

As in most my book reviews, I do not give away too much content because the readers should experience that for themselves. In the case of this particular book, I will talk about the interesting and
entertaining way in which the book is written.

Professor Harari writes in a very readable fashion and uses many clever phrases in addition to humor. For example, he states, “That evolution should select for larger brains may seem to us, like, well, a no-brainer” (p. 9). He explains domestication of animals and the use of certain animals for food: “With each passing generation, the sheep became fatter, more submissive and less curious. Voila! Mary had a little lamb and everywhere that Mary went the lamb was sure to go” (p. 92).

Harari writes with such an enjoyable style, such as in this sentence: “Most likely, both the gossip theory and the there-is-a lion-near-the-river theory are valid” (p. 24). Harari seems to really enjoy the writing of the book, and it comes through very clearly to the reader. Another interesting sentence is this one: “Presumably, everyone reading this book is a Homo sapiens – the species sapiens (wise) of the genus Homo (man)” (p. 4).

I recommend the book to teachers of science and of archeology, social studies, and history. There is technical information here great for the classroom, cultural information wonderful for the salon, and
pensive passages for those times we are alone with our thoughts and we want to reflect on what is written in the clever book we are reading. There is also ample info here for experts in prehistory and for fans of early humankind alike.

I enjoyed reading the book very much and cannot emphasize enough how clever the writing is and how clear the passages are. Harari has done a wonderful job here of explaining very technical information in everyday language so that non-specialists can participate in pondering and discussing
some of the most interesting stages, questions, and stories of sapiens.

Book Review – Lies My Teacher Told Me: Everything Your American History Textbook Got Wrong

Lies My Teacher Told Me: Everything Your American History Textbook Got Wrong

by James Loewen

Reviewed by Thomas Hansen, Ph.D


James Loewen does a great job here of presenting some very interesting and different perspectives on some of the most important events, persons, wars, and traditions in American history. In fact, what he provides here is a lot of information that is the exact opposite of what is reported in the great majority of the high school history books. In some cases, the truth is not presented at all in those textbooks.

Writing this book did cause some large waves at the time, as I remember. I had heard about the book but never read it. I came across a copy the other day and had to see what was so shocking and revealing and other-worldly about Loewen’s revelations about US history.

Experiencing it now, I can see why it was so iconoclastic back when it appeared. The book dispels a huge number of myths and explains how high school US history books are meant to paint a White,
ethnocentric, idyllic, patriotic, and just plain false account of so many things in our past. The way the history books have discussed Native Americans, Blacks, racism, wars, and so many covered up facts and realities is incredible.

I would recommend the book to all those readers who wish to be better informed about the truth about our history and who wish to get the basic information they need to be able to do their own research on the people and places whose pictures have been painted very differently from what one will expect once you get the real explanations of what went on in the past.

Woodrow Wilson, Helen Keller, and others are not presented the same way here as they are in typical high school history books. I urge you to read this book and embark on some interesting research
journeys to get a different version of history. It is an enjoyable and unsettling book, at the same time.

Certainly all teachers should read this book, and obviously teachers of American history need to have this one on their shelf if they are going to engage in discussions with other professionals who want to know the truth. Why textbooks are so general and vague is a theme addressed throughout this revealing book. How we as educators can figure out a way to teach students about the truth of so many magical and mythical stories is a challenge. There has been so much written in the attempt to use a glorifying approach to American history.

Loewen is a good writer and presents his information here completely and through the use of references. Note that he has a long bibliography and is funny and sarcastic throughout the book (e.g., pp. 14, 15, 16). He is not afraid to write down some very controversial and clear information in this book. For example, he includes five key images of the Vietnam War with their explanations (p. 242). Loewen also spells out the most important question regarding why we fought the Vietnam War (p. 248).

Loewen sure did stir things up. I recommend you read this book… see if you agree or disagree… certainly interesting to considering some challenging and different perspectives on some of the most important events, persons, wars, and traditions in American history. Yet another good book to make us think!

Book Review: A Brief History of the Third Reich: The Rise and Fall of the Nazis, by Martyn Whittock

A Brief History of the Third Reich: The Rise and Fall of the Nazis, by Martyn Whittock.

Reviewed by Thomas Hansen, Ph.D

Martyn Whittock assembles here the accounts of what is what like to be a German and go through all the things that happened before, during, and after World War II. He includes stories from people coming from all walks of life, and he adds his own theories and ideas.

In 22 chapters, Whittock describes the economic, political, and spiritual life in Germany leading to the Nazis seizing power and discusses both German complacency and involvement in contributing to the party’s rise to leading the nation. Whittock talks a great deal about Hitler’s reasons and motivations leading to some of the worst decisions possible.

Hitler had a tendency to make very dramatic and quick decisions without listening to the advice of those who would try to help him, or help Germany, in times of crisis. Hitler tended to stretch resources too thin and to make decisions which caused other greater problems unforeseen.

Without giving away too much content, I will say that this book does include the strength of using so many different persons’ stories to give the reader different perspectives on how the Nazis were actually able to get as far as they did. It is important to continue to read such accounts to try to sort out what makes sense and what does not.

Whittock gives the reader a great deal of information on the concentration camps and on how they were run. He does give us a glimpse into the desperate lives of the Germans who assisted in the murders, as he does regarding all of the persons who helped Hitler come to power.

There was something in it for everyone, it appears, and Whittock attempts to explain how and why the Germans allowed the Nazis to take so much power. He also provides the death tolls and discusses the methods used for murdering the inmates. Whittock provides a full description of the murders and numbers. However, he also uses more contemporary examples of bloodshed such as the Rwanda murders.

Maybe this is done to show that murder on a huge scale is to be expected in the world? Nothing could compare to the Nazis’ slaughter of entire peoples and communities, so that idea is lost on this reader—and on most all readers, I would assume.

The reader can profit from trying to understand what happened in Germany during those say 50 years of time. Teachers can perhaps get a little better understanding of how to begin to explain what was going on in the minds of Germans who watched all of it.

This is important reading because of the different perspectives revealed here.

Book Review: Breaking the Chains: African American Slave Resistance

Breaking the Chains: African American Slave Resistance

William Loren Katz

(reprint of the 1990 edition with a new introduction by Robin D.G. Kelley)

Reviewed by Imani Hinson

When various localities are seeking to return to rhetoric of enslavement being beneficial or benevolent, Breaking the Chains: African American Slave Resistance is a book that is timely and beneficial for both teachers and students to understand the story of African Americans in their time of bondage. William Loren Katz did an amazing job of telling the story of African American enslavement through the eyes of the enslaved. Katz does this by describing a life in which enslaved people were not complacent but rather fought for every freedom awarded to them by their enslavers.

Katz explains, through this history, that African Americans were not only dealt physical blows but also had to fight against the master’s version of history after enslavement ended.

For much of American history enslaved people were described as complacent, willing to work, not upset about their condition or, as historians Allan Nevins and Henry Steele wrote, enslaved people
“were cared for and apparently happy” (9).

In other historical texts historians such as W.E. Woodward falsely stated that African Americans “were the only people in the history of the world who became free without any effort of their own” (234).

Although this had been a standard narrative for many years, Katz pushed back on this idea saying that historians had not done enough to find the stories of the enslaved in order to tell the true story of their resistance and their disdain for enslavement. He even goes as far as to say that “most scholars
have ignored this mountain of evidence” (13). But Katz refused to be another historian who gets history wrong and he wrote this book to detail the lives of the enslaved through the beginnings of the slave trade in Africa up to the passing of the Emancipation Proclamation.

Shown through many different angles and time periods, Katz described a people who resisted enslavement in every way. The book is broken up into four parts with a varying number of chapters in each part. The book begins with two introductory chapters, one written in 2023 in which Robin G. Kelley does the introduction and the other in which the author opens up the book setting the stage for the first chapter.

With the use of large print and historical images this book could easily be used to teach secondary students in grades 7-12 or could be used in an undergraduate college course. The writing is impeccably understandable and uses various sorts of sources including narratives of the enslaved,
accounts from white enslavers, foreign visitors to the United States, reports from the military and government, newspapers, and legal documents. In a society where it feels taboo to talk about the enslavement of African Americans, Katz’s thorough research is paramount to telling the story of
African Americans and their refusal to accept bondage.

Chapter two sets up the rest of the book by detailing why African Americans felt they needed to resist. In this chapter, Katz details the re-enslavement of African Americans on a daily basis and the horrors of what enslavement meant to them. He begins the chapter by stating “The reason for enslaved people’s resistance was slavery” (35). Enslavers understood that in order for them to achieve their goal of assimilating formerly free people into bondage, they would need to assert a form of dominance that denied African Americans the right to be human. Enslaved people were viewed as animals, chattel, property, and were purposefully kept from any knowledge beyond the plantations they toiled in. Chapter 2 details the fact that African Americans were not allowed to mourn, to be educated, to have their own thoughts, and were met with violence when they sought to
show any form of disobedience to Whiteness. In two narratives shared in this
chapter, one Louisiana woman was whipped for saying “‘My mother sent me’” (40) because calling her mother “mother” was akin to claiming the status of Whiteness.

In another story, Roberta Manson expressed that “They said we had no souls, that we were like animals’” and this was shown when her father was whipped for shedding tears after looking at an enslaved person who had been killed (40). Settlers thrived off of this system as they reaped the benefits of this free labor. As Katz explains that the South’s economy depended on the labor of
enslaved people and would not have thrived without them. White settlers were not willing to lose their power or control because they understood how vital enslaved people were to their economic prosperity.

While enslavers were concerned about enforcing and safeguarding their dominance, African Americans sought to play on this thought of enslaved people as inferior, dumb, and senile. Enslaved people deceived their masters into thinking they were joyfully working companions who looked forward to plantation labor. As Katz says “Black people pretended to be meek, happy, and dumb. They learned to answer an enslaver’s questions with the words they wanted to hear” (47). While enslavers were working to suppress the knowledge of the world around them, enslaved people worked to combat this through deception. Enslaved people would “forget” about tasks they were
told to perform or play dumb stating that they didn’t understand the job they were coerced to do. Enslaved people became the best actors claiming to be ill, not able to work due to a physical body strain, or in some cases even pretending to be pregnant. Enslaved people would smile and laugh with their enslavers before possibly running away that exact night. Although African Americans may have seemed dumb and senile, in reality this was a part of them reclaiming their agency to combat the
institution of enslavement.

In the wake of rhetoric that denies African Americans worked tirelessly to undermine the institution of slavery, this book does a great job of bringing to light the various ways in which African Americans resisted. Through the words of the enslaved themselves, as well as other primary source
documents, this book does the work of a historian, by uncovering the truth about African American resistance and their role in obtaining their own freedom.

Einstein’s Postwar Campaign to Save the World from Nuclear Destruction

Einstein’s Postwar Campaign to Save the World from Nuclear Destruction

Lawrence S. Wittner

This article appeared originally in Foreign Policy in Focus. It is reprinted with permission.

Although the popular new Netflix film, Einstein and the Bomb, purports to tell the story of the great physicist’s relationship to nuclear weapons, it ignores his vital role in rallying the world against nuclear catastrophe. Aghast at the use of nuclear weapons in August 1945 to obliterate the
cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Einstein threw himself into efforts to prevent worldwide nuclear annihilation. In September, responding to a letter from Robert Hutchins, Chancellor of the University of Chicago, about nuclear weapons, Einstein contended that, “as long as nations demand unrestricted sovereignty, we shall undoubtedly be faced with still bigger wars, fought with bigger and technologically more advanced weapons.”

Thus, “the most important task of intellectuals is to make this clear to the general public and to emphasize over and over again the need to establish a well organized world government.” Four days
later, he made the same point to an interviewer, insisting that “the only salvation for civilization and the human race lies in the creation of a world government, with security of nations founded upon law.”

Determined to prevent nuclear war, Einstein repeatedly hammered away at the need to replace international anarchy with a federation of nations operating under international law. In October 1945, together with other prominent Americans (among them Senator J. William Fulbright, Supreme
Court Justice Owen Roberts, and novelist Thomas Mann), Einstein called for a “Federal Constitution of the World.” That November, he returned to this theme in an interview published in the Atlantic
Monthly. “The release of atomic energy has not created a new problem,” he said. “It has merely made more urgent the necessity of solving an existing one…As long as there are sovereign nations possessing great power, war is inevitable.” And war, sooner or later, would become nuclear war.

Einstein promoted these ideas through a burgeoning atomic scientists’ movement in which he played a central role. To bring the full significance of the atomic bomb to the public, the newly-formed Federation of American Scientists put together an inexpensive paperback, One World or None, with individual essays by prominent Americans. In his contribution to the book, Einstein wrote that he was “convinced there is only one way out” and this necessitated creating “a supranational organization” to “make it impossible for any country to wage war.” This hard-hitting book, which first appeared in early 1946, sold more than 100,000 copies.

Given Einstein’s fame and his well publicized efforts to avert a nuclear holocaust, in May 1946 he became chair of the newly-formed Emergency Committee of Atomic Scientists, a fundraising and
policymaking arm for the atomic scientists’ movement. In the Committee’s first fund appeal, Einstein warned that “the unleashed power of the atom has changed everything save our modes of thinking, and thus we drift toward unparalleled catastrophe.” Even so, despite the fact that Einstein, like most members of the early atomic scientists’ movement, saw world government as the best recipe for survival in the nuclear age, there seemed good reason to consider shorter-range objectives. After all,
the Cold War was emerging and nations were beginning to formulate nuclear policies. An early Atomic Scientists of Chicago statement, prepared by Eugene Rabinowitch, editor of the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, underscored practical considerations. “Since world government is unlikely to be achieved within the short time available before the atomic armaments race will lead to an acute danger of armed conflict,” it noted, “the establishment of international controls must be considered as a problem of immediate urgency.” Consequently, the movement increasingly worked in support of specific nuclear arms control and disarmament measures.

In the context of the heightening Cold War, however, taking even limited steps forward proved impossible. The Russian government sharply rejected the Baruch Plan for international control of
atomic energy and, instead, developed its own atomic arsenal. In turn, U.S. President Harry Truman, in February 1950, announced his decision to develop a hydrogen bomb―a weapon a thousand times as powerful as its predecessor. Naturally, the atomic scientists were deeply disturbed by this lurch toward disaster. Appearing on television, Einstein called once more for the creation of a “supra national” government as the only “way out of the impasse.” Until then, he declared, “annihilation beckons.”


Despite the dashing of his hopes for postwar action to end the nuclear menace, Einstein lent his support over the following years to peace, nuclear disarmament, and world government projects. The most important of these ventures occurred in 1955, when Bertrand Russell, like Einstein, a proponent of world federation, conceived the idea of issuing a public statement by a small group of the world’s most eminent scientists about the existential peril nuclear weapons brought to modern war. Asked by Russell for his support, Einstein was delighted to sign the statement and did so in one of his last actions before his death that April. In July, Russell presented the statement to a large meeting in London, packed with representatives of the mass communications media. In the shadow of the Bomb, it read, “we have to learn to think in a new way…Shall we…choose death because we cannot forget our quarrels? We appeal as human beings to human beings: Remember your humanity, and forget the rest.”

This Russell-Einstein Manifesto, as it became known, helped trigger a remarkable worldwide uprising against nuclear weapons in the late 1950s and early 1960s, culminating in the world’s first
significant nuclear arms control measures. Furthermore, in later years, it inspired legions of activists and world leaders. Among them was the Soviet Union’s Mikhail Gorbachev, whose “new thinking,” modeled on the Manifesto, brought a dramatic end to the Cold War and fostered substantial nuclear disarmament. The Manifesto thus provided an appropriate conclusion to Einstein’s unremitting campaign to save the world from nuclear destruction.

The Atomic Bomb: Albert Einstein’s Letter to President Franklin D. Roosevelt
Digital History ID 1184
Author: Albert Einstein
Date:1939
https://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textb
ook.cfm?smtID=3&psid=1184

Annotation: In August 1939, six months after physicists Otto Hahn and Fritz Strassman had demonstrated the process of nuclear fission, Albert Einstein, at the urging of physicist Leo Szilard, wrote to President Franklin D. Roosevelt about the danger of Nazi Germany creating an atomic bomb.


Document: Sir:
Some recent work by E. Fermi and L. Szilard, which has been communicated to me in manuscript, leads me to expect that the element uranium may be turned into a new and important source of energy in the immediate future. Certain aspects of the situation which has arisen seem to call for
watchfulness and, if necessary, quick action on the part of the Administration. I believe therefore that it is my duty to bring to your attention the following facts and recommendations:


In the course of the last four months it has been made probable-through the work of Joliot in France as well as Fermi and Szilard in America-that it may become possible to set up a nuclear chain reaction in a large mass of uranium, by which vast amount of power and large quantities of new radium like elements would be generated. Now it appears almost certain that this could be
achieved in the immediate future.

This new phenomenon would also lead to the construction of bombs, and it is conceivable-though much less certain-that extremely powerful bombs of a new type may thus be constructed. A single bomb of this type, carried by boat and exploded in a port, might very well destroy the whole port
together with some of the surrounding territory. However, such bombs might very well prove to be too heavy for transportation by air.


The United States has only very poor ores of uranium in moderate quantities. There is some good ore in Canada and the former Czechoslovakia, while the most important source of uranium is the Belgian Congo.


Yours very truly,

In view of this situation you may think it desirable to have some permanent contact maintained between the Administration and the group of physicists working on chain reactions in America. One possible way of achieving this might be for you to entrust with this task a person who has your confidence and who could perhaps serve in an inofficial capacity. His task might comprise the following:


a) to approach Government Departments, keep them informed of the further development, and put forward recommendations for Government action, giving particular attention to the problem of securing a supply of uranium ore for the United States:


b) to speed up the experimental work, which is at present being carried on within the limits of the budgets of University laboratories, by providing funds, if such funds be required, through his contacts with private persons who are willing to make contributions for this cause, and perhaps also by obtaining the co-operation of industrial laboratories which have the necessary equipment.


I understand that Germany has actually stopped the sale of uranium from the Czechoslovakian mines which she has taken over. That she should have taken such early action might perhaps be understood on the ground that the son of the German Under-Secretary of State, von Weizsacker, is attached to the Kaiser-Wilhelm-Institute in Berlin where some of the American work on uranium is now being repeated.
[signed] Albert Einstein


The secret of the bomb should be committed to a World Government, and the United States should immediately announce its readiness to give it to a World Government. This government should be
founded by the United States, the Soviet Union, and Great Britain —the only three powers with great military strength. All three of them should commit to this World Government all of their military strength.


The fact that there are only three nations with great military power should make it easier rather than harder to establish such a government . . . Since I do not foresee that atomic energy is to be a great boon for a long time, I have to say that for the present it is a menace. Perhaps it is well that it should
be. It may intimidate the human race into bringing order into its international affairs, which, without the pressure of fear, it would not do.
https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1945/11/einstein-on-the-atomicbomb/656626/

Russell-Einstein Manifesto (London, July 9, 1955)
https://ahf.nuclearmuseum.org/ahf/keydocuments/russell-einstein-manifesto/

In the tragic situation which confronts humanity, we feel that scientists should assemble in conference to appraise the perils that have arisen as a result of the development of weapons of mass destruction, and to discuss a resolution in the spirit of the appended draft. We are speaking on this occasion, not as members of this or that nation, continent, or creed, but as human beings, members of the species Man, whose continued existence is in doubt. The world is full of conflicts; and overshadowing all minor conflicts, the titanic struggle between Communism and anti-Communism.

Almost everybody who is politically conscious has strong feelings about one or more of these issues; but we want you, if you can, to set aside such feelings and consider yourselves only as members of a
biological species which has had a remarkable history, and whose disappearance none of us can desire.

We shall try to say no single word which should appeal to one group rather than to another. All, equally, are in peril, and, if the peril is understood, there is hope that they may collectively avert it.
We have to learn to think in a new way. We have to learn to ask ourselves, not what steps can be taken to give military victory to whatever group we prefer, for there no longer are such steps; the question we have to ask ourselves is: what steps can be taken to prevent a military contest of which the issue must be disastrous to all parties?


The general public, and even many men in positions of authority, have not realized what would be involved in a war with nuclear bombs. The general public still thinks in terms of the obliteration of cities. It is understood that the new bombs are more powerful than the old, and that, while one A
bomb could obliterate Hiroshima, one H bomb could obliterate the largest cities, such as London, New York, and Moscow. No doubt, in an H-bomb war, great cities would be obliterated. But this is one of the minor disasters that would have to be faced. If everybody in London, New York, and Moscow were exterminated, the world might, in the course of a few centuries, recover from the blow. But we now know, especially since the Bikini test, that nuclear bombs can gradually spread destruction over a very much wider area than had been supposed.


It is stated on very good authority that a bomb can now be manufactured which will be 2,500 times as powerful as that which destroyed Hiroshima. Such a bomb, if exploded near the ground or under water, sends radio-active particles into the upper air. They sink gradually and reach the surface of the earth in the form of a deadly dust or rain. It was this dust which infected the Japanese fishermen and their catch of fish. No one knows how widely such lethal radio-active particles might be diffused, but
the best authorities are unanimous in saying that a war with H-bombs might possibly put an end tothe human race. It is feared that if many H-bombs are used there will be universal death, sudden only for a minority, but for the majority a slow torture of disease and disintegration.


Many warnings have been uttered by eminent men of science and by authorities in and both sides would set to work to military strategy. None of them will say that the worst results are certain. What they do say is that these results are possible, and no one can be sure that they will not be realized. We have not yet found that the views of experts on this question depend in any degree upon their politics or prejudices. They depend only, so far as our researches have revealed, upon the extent of the
particular expert’s knowledge. We have found that the men who know most are the most gloomy.

Here, then, is the problem which we present to you, stark and dreadful and inescapable: Shall we put an end to the human race; or shall mankind renounce war? People will not face this alternative because it is so difficult to abolish war. The abolition of war will demand is tasteful limitations of national sovereignty. But what perhaps impedes understanding of the situation more than anything else is that the term “mankind” feels vague and abstract. People scarcely realize in imagination that the danger is to themselves and their children and their grandchildren, and not only to a dimly apprehended humanity. They can scarcely bring themselves to grasp that they, individually, and those whom they love are in imminent danger of perishing agonizingly. And so they hope that perhaps
war may be allowed to continue provided modern weapons are prohibited. This hope is illusory. Whatever agreements not to use H-bombs had been reached in time of peace, they would no
longer be considered binding in time of war, manufacture H-bombs as soon as war broke out, for, if one side manufactured the bombs and the other did not, the side that manufactured them would inevitably be victorious.

Although an agreement to renounce nuclear weapons as part of a general reduction of armaments would not afford an ultimate solution, it would serve certain important purposes. First, any agreement between East and West is to the good in so far as it tends to diminish tension. Second, the abolition of thermo-nuclear weapons, if each side believed that the other had carried it out sincerely, would lessen the fear of a sudden attack in the style of Pearl Harbor, which at present keeps both sides in a state of nervous apprehension. We should, therefore, welcome such an agreement though only as a first step.

Most of us are not neutral in feeling, but, as human beings, we have to remember that, if the issues between East and West are to be decided in any manner that can give any possible satisfaction to anybody, whether Communist or anti-Communist, whether Asian or European or American, whether White or Black, then these issues must not be decided by war. We should wish this to be understood, both in the East and in the West.

There lies before us, if we choose, continual progress in happiness, knowledge, and wisdom. Shall we, instead, choose death, because we cannot forget our quarrels? We appeal as human beings to human beings: Remember your humanity, and forget the rest. If you can do so, the way lies open to a new Paradise; if you cannot, there lies before you the risk of universal death.

Resolution:
We invite this Congress, and through it the scientists of the world and the general public, to subscribe to the following resolution: “In view of the fact that in any future world war nuclear weapons will
certainly be employed, and that such weapons threaten the continued existence of mankind, we urge the governments of the world to realize, and to acknowledge publicly, that their purpose cannot be furthered by a world war, and we urge them, consequently, to find peaceful means for the settlement of all matters of dispute between them.”

Era 8 The Twenties (1920–1930)

New Jersey Council for the Social Studies

www.njcss.org

Engaging High School Students in Global Civic Education Lessons in U.S. History

The relationship between the individual and the state is present in every country, society, and civilization. Relevant questions about individual liberty, civic engagement, government authority, equality and justice, and protection are important for every demographic group in the population.  In your teaching of World History, consider the examples and questions provided below that should be familiar to students in the history of the United States with application to the experiences of others around the world.

These civic activities are designed to present civics in a global context as civic education happens in every country.  The design is flexible regarding using one of the activities, allowing students to explore multiple activities in groups, and as a lesson for a substitute teacher. The lessons are free, although a donation to the New Jersey Council for the Social Studies is greatly appreciated. www.njcss.org

Era 8 The Twenties (1920–1930)

The Twenties were the first time that more Americans lived in cities than on farms. It was a decade of social, economic and political change following the devastating effects of World War I, the mass production of the automobile, and the radio brought news, sports, and entertainment into the homes of people. The way people understood information was changing as newspapers and advertisements supported a “consumer culture.”  It was also a time when many people were uncomfortable with the secular lifestyle and attitudes rejected alcohol, even though it was the fifth largest industry in the country and restrictive laws were passed regarding immigration as the country favored isolationist policies.

Activity #1:  The Scopes Trial (1925) and the National School System in Kenya (2024)

Education in the United States is under the control of local communities and each of the 50 states. The federal government tries to influence education with financial assistance and has authority to enforce national laws that apply to civil and human rights. In 1923, Tennessee became the first state to ban the teaching of evolution. Tennessee had the legal authority to determine the content of the curriculum in public schools. The legal issues would test the freedom of speech for teachers and the right of the state to respect the views of many citizens and state legislators, regarding their understanding of the Holy Bible.

Fundamentalism represented the literal interpretation of the Holy Bible and had been gaining popularity in American culture for 40 years before the Scopes Trial. The philosophy of communism in the Soviet Union opposed the freedom of religious expression and the unprecedented death in World War I prompted many to question the existence of God. It was also a time of spiritual evangelism when people used the teachings of the Holy Bible to counter the modern ideas of jazz music, sexual promiscuity, and secularism.

The jury found Scopes guilty of violating the law and fined him $100. Bryan and the anti-evolutionists claimed victory, and the Tennessee law would stand for another 42 years.  The ACLU publicized scientific evidence for evolution. The verdict did have a chilling effect on teaching evolution in the classroom, however, and not until the 1960s did it reappear in schoolbooks. It continues as an issue in some states today.

The National School System in Kenya

Kenya has an educational system that is considered one of the best in the world. Education is controlled by the government and changes take time to make. Recently, Kenya made significant changes in the curriculum with a vision to make Kenya a leader in Africa by 2063, the next 40 years. “The overall aim of the new curriculum is to equip citizens with skills for the 21st century and hinges on the global shift towards education programs that encourage optimal human capital development. Education should be viewed in a holistic spectrum that includes schooling and the co-curriculum activities that nurture, mentor, and mold the child into productive citizens.”

There are advantages and disadvantages to both a national and federal system of education. Canada, Australia, and Germany have federal systems of education that might be compared to the United States. The majority of countries in the world have a national system similar to the one in Kenya.  U.S. News & World Report published a study of the education in 87 countries. For discussion, consider if the goal of a well-developed educational system is to prepare students for higher education, support employment, educate citizens, teach values, access, efficiency of costs, etc.  Another area for discussion could be if the purpose of education is the focus on the well-being and development of the individual or if the emphasis is on subject matter content.

Questions:

  1. Who should decide matters of content in the curriculum?
  2. Should parents have the authority to ‘opt out’ of lessons?
  3. Should teachers or assessments determine what is taught?
  4. What is the purpose of education?
  5. Is the primary purpose of education to teach skills, content, or to prepare children to be citizens?
  6. Should the U.S. government limit or empower the U.S. Department of Education in the area of curriculum?

The Scopes Trial (National Constitution Center)

The Scopes Trial (History Channel)

The Scopes Trial (Bill of Rights Institute)

Activity #2: Death of President Harding (1923) and Death of Vladimir Lenin (1924): The transfer of political power

On the evening of the president’s death, Herbert Hoover sent out the official news that the president had died of “a stroke of cerebral apoplexy.” But it was most likely a heart attack, that ended Harding’s life at the age of 58, two years more than the average life span for an American male in 1923 (56.1 years).

President Harding’s Vice President was Calvin Coolidge. He was from Massachusetts and at the time of Harding’s death he was visiting his family at their home in Plymouth, Vermont. He issued the following statement:

“Reports have reached me, which I fear are correct, that President Harding is gone. The world has lost a great and good man. I mourn his loss. He was my chief and my friend.

It will be my purpose to carry out the policies which he has begun for the service of the American people and for meeting their responsibilities wherever they may arise. For this purpose I shall seek the cooperation of all those who have been associated with the President during his term of office. Those who have given their efforts to assist him I wish to remain in office that they may assist me. I have faith that God will direct the destinies of our nation.

It is my intention to remain here until I can secure the correct form for the oath of office, which will be administered to me by my father, who is a notary public, if that will meet the necessary requirement. I expect to leave for Washington during the day.”


CALVIN COOLIDGE

Calvin Coolidge’s father was a notary public and administered the Oath of office at 2:47 a.m. in the middle of the night in his home. President Coolidge addressed Congress for the first time when it returned to Washington D.C. on December 6, 1923, expressing support for many of Harding’s policies and he continued with most of Harding’s advisors. The transfer of political power was orderly.

The Death of Vladimir Lenin

Vladimir Lenin died at age 58 on January 21, 1924, less than six months after President Harding. He had suffered from three strokes and his death was expected. Lenin did not name a successor and the transition to power was contentious between Joseph Stalin and Leon Trotsky.

Alexsei Rykov and V.M Molotov were technically the leaders of the Soviet Union. Joseph Stalin was the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party and Leon Trotsky was the Minister of War. As party secretary Stalin controlled appointees and used the position to install people loyal to him. Trotsky represented the faction that favored the spread of socialism in a world revolution. He believed this was necessary for the Soviet Union to develop a stronger economy. In contrast, Stalin did not see a world revolution as probable and favored the gradual economic development through a series of five-year plans with quotas and state ownership of land. Leon Trotsky was exiled to Mexico in 1928 and Josef Stalin became the de facto leader of the Soviet Union.

Questions:

  1. Is it likely that the death of an American president in this decade would result in an orderly transfer of power or would it be contentious between leaders within the Democratic and Republican Party?
  2. Should the successor of an American president be expected to continue with the appointed advisors and policies of the Administration, or should the new president be encouraged to develop policies consistent with his or her political views?
  3. Is Russia at risk of a contentious transition to a new government in the event of the unexpected death of Vladimir Putin?
  4. Is a parliamentary system of government more effective and efficient in the transfer of political power than the government of the United States, Russia, or China?

Activity #3:  Palmer Raids and the OGPU in the Soviet Union

How does a government protect the equality and presumed innocence of individual citizens and also protect the general welfare and safety of the public?  On May 1, 1919 (May Day), postal officials discovered 20 bombs in the mail of prominent capitalists, including John D. Rockefeller and J. P. Morgan, Jr., as well as government officials like Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes. A month later, bombs exploded in eight American cities. In 1919 and 1920, President Wilson’s attorney general, A. Mitchell Palmer, led raids on the Communist Party and the International Workers of the World.

In November 1919, Palmer ordered government raids that resulted in the arrests of 250 suspected radicals in 11 cities. The Palmer Raids reached their height on January 2, 1920, when government agents made raids in 33 cities.  More than 4,000 alleged communists were arrested and jailed and 556 immigrants were deported.

OGPU (Joint State Political Directorate) in the Soviet Union

The secret police in the Soviet Union is sometimes called or associated with the Checka, Red Terror, Gulag, KGB, or state police.  The Bolsheviks formed the Cheka when Vladimir Lenin was wounded in an assassination attempt in 1918. After the October Revolution in 1917, Russia was in a civil war. The OGPU was commissioned in November 15, 1923 and conducted mass shootings and hangings without trials. It is estimated that the revolutionary tribunals executed 100,000.  The tribunals sanctioned purges of everyone including Russia’s imperial family, land-owning peasants, journalists, priests, scholars, and the homeless.  

The operations of the OGPU reflected decisions of the Party leadership. It was directed to check on church activities, foreigners, and members of opposition parties. It supervised kept a watchful eye on the morale, loyalty, and efficiency or workers.

Questions:

  1. Do governments have a responsibility to secretly observe the activities of any of its people?
  2. How can a government responsibly protect its citizens from terrorist or subversive activities?
  3. Is the suspension of habeas corpus and individual liberties justified in times of war or civil unrest?
  4. In the United States does the federal government (President) have the authority to send the National Guard or armed forces into a city or state without the approval of the governor or state government?

Palmer Raids (Chronicling America)

The Red Scare (Digital History)

Bombing on Wall Street (You Tube, American Experience, PBS)

Authority of the President to Use the National Guard and Army to Control the Border (CRS)

Establishment of the OGPU (November 15, 1923)

Activity #4: The Immigration Debate in the United States and Lithuania

Immigration in the United States

In 1965, the United States passed the Immigration and Nationality Act ending all quotas based on national origin and replacing them with a system of preferences based on family relations to US residents and labor qualifications. Total immigration was limited to 170,000 annually for the Eastern Hemisphere; and 120,000 for the Americas.  The flow of immigrants to the southern border of the United States has exceeded this number for decades. It is now almost one million a year, with about 40% of this number coming from Central America and Mexico. It is also difficult to hire border patrol officers to process the requests for asylum and legal entry. The population of the United States is declining and immigration is the reason for the small increase.  Immigrants also fill needed jobs. Most of the migrant population is living in six states.

Immigration in Lithuania

In 2021, political tensions between Lithuania and Belarus flared, precipitating a crisis at the borders during which more than 4 000 migrants largely from the Middle East and South Asia were stranded facing inadequate food, water, clothing, or shelter.  Lithuania is a country of about 4 million people and the government did not welcome the surge of immigrants The Lithuanian Red Cross provided humanitarian assistance in the form of non-food items, medicine, and food, as well as mental health care. Since 2021, Lithuanian border guards have prevented around 20,000 people from crossing the border from Belarus. They check the documents of each individual and have permitted asylum seekers to enter.

“The protection of the right to life and the prohibition of torture or inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment provide the cornerstones of any human rights compliant response to border crossing and must be fully upheld at all times, including in emergency situations. I have received consistent worrying reports of patterns of violence and other human rights violations committed against migrants, including in the context of pushbacks at Lithuania’s border with Belarus. Parliament should contribute to putting a stop to these human rights violations and take the lead in guaranteeing a human rights compliant migration policy.” (European Union Commissioner on Human Rights, 2023)

The Lithuanian parliament adopted a law on Tuesday (25 April, 2023) legalizing the turning away of irregular migrants at the border under a state-level extreme situation regime or a state of emergency.

Questions:

  1. Do nations have the right to stop people from entering their country or does the need to provide humanitarian care take precedence?
  2. Many countries are facing large numbers of immigrants for economic and political reasons. How can countries manage this population movement?
  3. How would you define a humanitarian immigration policy?
  4.  Which countries have the most humane and effective immigration policies?

https://www.cgdev.org/blog/which-countries-have-best-migration-policies

Era 7 The Emergence of Modern America: World War I (1890–1930)

New Jersey Council for the Social Studies

www.njcss.org

Engaging High School Students in Global Civic Education Lessons in U.S. History

The relationship between the individual and the state is present in every country, society, and civilization. Relevant questions about individual liberty, civic engagement, government authority, equality and justice, and protection are important for every demographic group in the population.  In your teaching of World History, consider the examples and questions provided below that should be familiar to students in the history of the United States with application to the experiences of others around the world.

These civic activities are designed to present civics in a global context as civic education happens in every country.  The design is flexible regarding using one of the activities, allowing students to explore multiple activities in groups, and as a lesson for a substitute teacher. The lessons are free, although a donation to the New Jersey Council for the Social Studies is greatly appreciated. www.njcss.org

Era 7 The Emergence of Modern America: World War I (1890–1930)

The beginning of the 20th century marks the foundation of the transformation of the United States into a world power by the middle of the century. In this era industrialization, urbanization, and rapid immigration changed America from an agrarian to an urban society as people lived and worked in cities. The development of the new technologies of electricity, transportation, and communication challenged our long-held traditional policies of limited government, neutrality, and laissez-faire capitalism.

Activity #1:  The Power ofDollar Diplomacy in the United States (1914) and Qatar (2014)

President Theodore Roosevelt’s foreign policy was popularized with a 20th century interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine. The Roosevelt Corollary (1904) stated that the United States would intervene as a last resort to ensure that other nations in the western Hemisphere fulfilled their obligations to international creditors and did not violate the rights of the United States or invite foreign aggression to the detriment of the entire body of American nations.  The expansion of our navy changed the Monroe Doctrine from a passive to an assertive policy that justified the intervention of the United States in Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua, and the Dominican Republic, as well as an American presence in Panama, China, and the Philippines. When President William Howard Taft became president in 1909, his foreign policy substituted dollars for bullets. He formalized his vision in his 1912 State of the Union Address:

“The diplomacy of the present administration has sought to respond to modern ideas of commercial intercourse. This policy has been characterized as substituting dollars for bullets. It is one that appeals alike to idealistic humanitarian sentiments, to the dictates of sound policy and strategy, and to legitimate commercial aims.”

President Taft focused on trade and he refinanced the debts of several countries in Central America who were at risk of default. He supported private economic investment in China to counter the aggression of Japan and maintain the balance of power in East Asia.

Taft’s policy led to the rise of nationalist movements who opposed the influence or interference of the United States and in China where the investments in infrastructure by Americans and American companies led to mistrust.  His successor, President Wilson introduced “Moral Diplomacy” as his vision for diplomatic leadership, which included sending American troops to Haiti, Nicaragua, the Dominican Republic, and Mexico.

Dollar Diplomacy in Qatar

Qatar is a small Persian Gulf state with a population of less than 3 million and one of the highest per capita GDPs in the world at $85,500 USD. It is about half the size of New Jersey and close in size to Connecticut. It is the richest country in the world and most of its wealth comes from natural gas and petroleum.

In 2017 Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, and Bahrain imposed a blockade on Qatar because of their support for the Muslim Brotherhood and Iran. Qatar is currently using its wealth to promote international relations and trade and investment agreements with Russia, Central America, South Africa, Europe, and several U.S. energy companies. Qatar produces Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) which is becoming more popular to offset carbon emissions. In 2021, the blockade ended.

Qatar has hosted the Doha trade talks, the World Cup, pledged $500 million to the United Nations’ programs, and has been central to the negotiations between Israel and Hamas on the release of hostages and humanitarian supplies.

Questions:

  1. Is there a difference between Dollar Diplomacy and economic imperialism?
  2. Why did Dollar Diplomacy fail in the Taft Administration and is it likely to meet with failure in Qatar?
  3. What is the most effective way to change the position of a country that supports terrorist organizations?
  4. Does the richest country in the world have more power than the country with the strongest military?
  5. Should the United States become less trustworthy of Qatar or does pragmatism suggest that by increasing our economic agreements we will attain more benefits than disappointments?
  6. Is it the role and responsibility of the Legislative or Executive Branch to decide foreign policy in the United States?

William Howard Taft’s Dollar Diplomacy

Dollar Diplomacy

The Qatar Blockade is over but the Gulf Crisis Lives On

U.S. Relations with Qatar

Activity #2: Child Labor Laws in the United States and Ivory Coast

From a Civics perspective, the issue of child labor is about the amount of regulation by the federal and state government that is necessary to protect children from exploitation under the Commerce Clause. The United States v. Darby decision by the U.S. Supreme Court (1941) is a landmark case that supports federal regulation of child labor.

Food insecurity is a problem for more than 10% of American families who might benefit from additional income. The historically low unemployment rate of 4% or less in the United States also creates demand for additional workers. National Labor Statistical (NLS) data show that 52% of 12 and 13-year-olds have paid work experience. The work performed at these ages was found to be freelance in nature. Babysitting and yardwork accounted for more than 70 percent of the work they performed. For 14 and 15-year-olds, the dominant form of work is also freelancing.  It is estimated that 153,600 children are employed at an activity in violation of the FLSA or state law on a weekly basis. Many are children of migrant families whose labor may be exploited. The most common violations entail working excessive hours or engaging in a hazardous occupation before the age of 18.

Child Labor in the Ivory Coast

Children in Côte d’Ivoire are subjected to the worst forms of child labor, including in the harvesting of cocoa and coffee, sometimes as a result of human trafficking. Children who work in cocoa production are often deprived of adequate schooling. Children who carry heavy loads of cocoa are exposed to pesticides, insect and snake bites, machete wounds, fatigue and leg and back problems.

In 2016, in light of the Harkin-Engel Agreement, the National Plan for fighting Against Child Labor and Child Trafficking, numerous Government, NGO and private sector initiatives and projects were being implemented in Cote d’Ivoire to improve productivity, community development and child rights in cocoa producing areas.

Questions:

  1. Should states be allowed to make their own laws about child labor laws when work is being done only withing their state?
  2. Should parents be empowered to make the decisions regarding employment for their children under age 16 or another age?
  3. Do you agree with the federal District Court or the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision on Darby?
  4. Should volunteer work under the supervision of a nonprofit organization be exempt from child labor law requirements? (soccer referee v. construction of affordable houses)
  5. Should there be a requirement by the government for employers to monitor and report child employment?

History of Child Labor in the United States

Child Labor Laws are Under Attack in the United States

United States v. Darby

New Jersey Child Labor Laws

Child Labor in the Côte d’lvoire

U.S. State Department Report on Trafficking in Cote  d’Ivore in 2022

Harkin-Engel Protocol

Activity #3: The Power of Government to Control Private Enterprises in the United States and India

The Framework for Private Enterprise in the United States

The government of the United States regulates businesses by taxing them. There are income taxes, employment taxes, excise taxes, and local and state taxes. The government also offers tax incentives for businesses to locate in areas of poverty and to hire veterans, women, minorities, and individuals with disabilities.  The federal and state governments also regulate price increases for public utilities, credit and have laws to prevent monopolies or price-fixing.  Health and safety regulations are regulated to protect workers from injury, toxic substances, excessive noise, and a safe and clean environment. There are also regulations on equal pay for jobs with the same or similar skills and the hours worked. The government requires retirement programs for larger businesses and has laws to protect consumers.

The Framework for Private Enterprise in India

In India, it is in the interest of the government and private sector to improve the productive capacity of the country and its citizens. This improvement leads to real wage growth, more competition and increased consumption.

The top 5 companies in India have a total market value of 20% of India’s GDP.  The government needs these industries to create jobs.

Chips were originally developed for the American government and then were licensed out to benefit consumer technology products, Mobile networks were originally built for the defense need in America and Finland, and GPS was broad based by President Clinton after Russia shot down a Korean 747 for straying into their airspace.

India needs to further strengthen the governance of state-owned enterprises, simplify regulations, and reduce administrative burdens on firms. India should also review its institutions responsible for regulation and compliance.

Questions:

  1. Should the primary focus of government regulation emphasize the protection of workers and consumers or to increase innovation and economic growth?
  2. Does the cost of regulation through the payment of taxes limit economic growth or is it necessary to develop a balanced economy?
  3. Investigate areas in public education that are regulated by the local, state, or federal government and identify which regulations are helpful and which are harmful to students and teachers?

Examples of Government Regulation of Business in the United States

Where does the Public Sector End and the Private Sector Begin?

Regulatory Reform in India

Activity #4: The Roosevelt Corollary in the Caribbean and China’s Hegemony in the South Pacific

The Roosevelt Corollary (1904)

The Roosevelt Corollary of December 1904 stated that the United States would intervene as a last resort to ensure that other nations in the Western Hemisphere fulfilled their obligations to international creditors. The United States was concerned that other nations might take advantage of the default on debts by some countries in the Caribbean.  The United States considered the islands in the Caribbean to be of strategic commercial and military importance.  President Roosevelt’s position justified U.S. intervention in Cuba, Nicaragua, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic.

The United States is concerned about the increased economic investment by China in several countries in the South Pacific and the diplomatic changes by these island countries ending their support for Taiwan and agreements with China.

China’s Presence in the South Pacific (2024)

Since World War II the Pacific has largely enjoyed independence from foreign influence. There are 14 independent island countries in this area and although they are at risk of rising sea levels and natural disasters, they also have strategic military importance. This has all changed with China’s growing presence in the region.

Australia is an ally of the United States through the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO). A military base by China would present a serious threat to its security. However, China’s interests may also be economic. China is investing in infrastructure projects in the South Pacific with investments on an equal level with Australia and the United States.

In 2022, China entered into a security agreement with the Solomon Islands. This agreement provides China with an operational military base about 2,000 miles from Australia. There is no definitive understanding of why China is increasing its presence in this region and the risks may be minimal. The importance for a conversation about civics is about  the right of a major global power to enter into secret or public diplomatic, military, or commercial agreements with other nations. For the United States, should our foreign policy regarding South Korea, Japan, Taiwan, Guam, and Australia be determined by the Executive or Legislative Branch in our government?

China needs to consider the economic cost of its investments in these small islands that are in debt as the impact of rising sea levels is likely to limit their economy and increase their debt. Will the economic costs weaken instead of strengthening China in the future?

Australia also needs to re-evaluate its objectives for security as naval and air support from the United States and other countries may be limited by China’s presence in this area. The distance from the United States to Japan, Taiwan, and Australia is much further than it is for its rivals of North Korea, Russia, and China.

Questions:

  1. Do countries have the right to extend their economic, military, or diplomatic influence to advance their own security or objectives? (Israel, Russia, China, Iran, United States, etc.)
  2. How should the United States determine its foreign policy when Congress and the President cannot agree?
  3. How important is geography in developing a country’s foreign policy?
  4. Does an authoritarian government have an advantage or disadvantage in developing its foreign policy?
  5. Do the foreign policies and laws for countries change as the 21st century military utilizes artificial intelligence and space?

President Theodore Roosevelt’s State of the Union Address: The Roosevelt Corollary (1904)

The Roosevelt Corollary (1904)

The Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine

China’s Security Agreement with the Solomon Islands

U.S. and China Security Review Commission Report

The Exploitation of Enslaved Women During The 18th Century Colonial America

The Exploitation of Enslaved Women During The 18th Century Colonial America

Logan Stovall

Logan Stovall is an eighth grade student at Montclair Kimberley Academy in Montclair, NJ

The 18th century represents a dark period in American history when the institution of slavery thrived, and the exploitation of enslaved Black women flourished. The cruel realities endured by Black women during this time were not only a consequence of their enslavement but were magnified by both their race and gender, perpetuating a cycle of inequality and suffering. Beyond the physical captivity, these women endured a complex oppression that not only involved grueling labor but also made them victims of sexual violence. The harsh reality of this oppression becomes evident when one reflects on how the clothing worn by enslaved Black women served as a physical manifestation of their fragile existence. The clothes they wore were not just rags or pieces of fabric used to cover their bodies; they represented a system that dehumanized and abused them.  During the 18th century, an enslaved Black woman’s gender and race primarily affected the way she lived and thrived in an illiberal society. Understanding the exploitation of enslaved Black women during the American colonial era requires a closer look into the sweat of their daily labor, the sexual abuse they endured, and the clothing they wore that bound them to such a harsh life.

However, before any analysis regarding the exploitation of enslaved Black women is made, one must first consider that the racial stereotypes and discriminatory practices against enslaved Black women during the colonial era were the underlying causes of their mistreatment. The widely accepted racist ideas of Antebellum white slaveholders led them to think of their enslaved people as both biologically and culturally inferior. Due to their understanding of the social hierarchy at this time, slaveholders often whipped and physically mistreated enslaved women under their supervision.[i] In addition to the racist beliefs they held, slaveholders also created various stereotypes about enslaved Black women. One such popular stereotype was the “Mammy” caricature. The “mammy caricature” depicted enslaved Black women as enjoying their servitude, being physically unattractive, and only fit to be domestic workers.[ii]

In contrast to the “mammy caricature”, slave owners also created a more promiscuous stereotype of enslaved Black women: the “Jezebel” figure. The Jezebel caricature was used during slavery to justify a slaveholder’s objectification and sexual exploitation of enslaved Black women.[iii] The Mammy and Jezebel caricatures, along with various other derogatory stereotypes that plagued enslaved Black women, heavily influenced how the rest of the White population during the Antebellum period perceived and treated Black women. Sadly, these caricatures endured for decades even after colonial times.

With racial stereotyping forming the underlying cause of discrimination against Black women, a significant amount of White slave masters often subjected Black women to harsh labor conditions. Enslaved women were often forced to work in the fields from sunrise to sunset where they endured physical and emotional abuse. On larger farms and plantations, for example, women were forced to perform tasks like hoeing and ditching entire fields. These were the most exhausting and uninteresting forms of fieldwork.[iv] Slaveholders also held enslaved women accountable for cleaning and tidying communal areas like stables and expected them to spread manure as a fertilizer.[v] Moreover, slave owners frequently questioned how much time off enslaved women needed to adequately take care of their families and children. When not offered any downtime by their slaveholders, enslaved women had to bring their children with them to the fields and strap them to their backs as they worked tirelessly. [vi]

Black women’s exploitation extended beyond the fields. In many instances, the labor performed by enslaved women was prolonged and complicated. For example, many enslaved women began to work for slaveholders at a very young age. There was little free time for enslaved women to rest, given that most women worked for their master five to six days a week. This included keeping the owner’s homes clean, cooking food, and washing their clothes.[vii] In short, enslaved women were expected to work tirelessly, both in the fields and in the house. The slave masters did not care about  the well-being of their enslaved women and exploited them for their free labor.  For Black women, slavery in the southern colonies meant long days performing menial, exhausting tasks, sometimes in the hot, baking sun.  After working prolonged, hard days for the slaveholders, these women had to care for their own families, which was often a physical and mental challenge due to the absence of time to rest. When enslaved women did not meet the expectations for their work by their enslaver, they would oftentimes be taken advantage of sexually or physically assaulted as a form of punishment. Unfortunately, this possibility became a reality for many enslaved Black women.

Indeed, as the slave population in America grew larger through the importation of slaves, enslaved Black women primarily as reproducers of a valuable labor force rather than merely a part of the labor force.  The sexual exploitation of Black women extended from sexual gratification of their White slaveholders to include reproducing offspring that would expand their workforce. Though slave owners valued enslaved women as laborers, they were also well aware that female slaves could be used to successfully reproduce new labor (more children who would grow up to be slaves) by continuing their role as full-time mothers.[viii] This presented slaveholders with a dilemma because West African women usually had some prior agricultural experience (like growing tobacco and rice) which could be used to the slaveholders’ benefit.[ix]

In 1756, Reverend Peter Fontaine of Charles City County, Virginia, stated that Black females were “far more prolific than…white women.” This form of racial stereotyping made enslaved women extremely vulnerable to physical assault.[x] Many white enslavers raped Black women for sexual pleasure, as well as for their ability to produce children who would become slaves and ultimately increase their wealth. Instead of perpetuating the stereotype that all enslaved Black women were unattractive and were only fit to be domestic workers, they now were feeding into the stereotype that Black women were promiscuous and desired for the reproduction of enslaved children who could be used or sold. This form of physical exploitation was pervasive throughout the Antebellum South.

In addition to labor and sexual exploitation, clothing was another form of exploitation that enslaved Black women were forced to endure. While these women often knitted or otherwise made beautiful garments for White women and their children, the fabrics that enslaved Black women wore themselves offered minimal protection from the weather and had to be inexpensive and easy to make.[xi] Their clothing was so cheap in quality that it often disassembled or tore within weeks. As a result, enslaved women often borrowed clothing from one another or even stole clothing from the slave master’s house. They did this to give themselves or their families warm, sustainable garments, and sometimes, to blend into the free population. Oppressors often made enslaved women wear poor, rugged clothing to symbolize a Black woman’s low status and to cultivate racial stereotypes depicting Black women as inferior. Indeed, one reason why enslaved women wanted to steal White people’s clothes was because they wanted to appear as free Black people with increased status.[xii]

Despite being subjected to clothing exploitation, many enslaved women nevertheless tried to continue to be connected to their former culture by wearing West African garments. Enslaved women working in slaveholders’ homes were expected to cover their heads with lightweight white caps, which other members of the household also wore. However, to continue the West African tradition, many enslaved women also chose to wear brightly colored head wraps that surrounded their heads and were secured with knots and tucking’s.[xiii] They also sometimes wore cowrie shells in their hair; which were very expensive and far more valuable than money. These cowrie shells also appeared in spirit bundles as parts of clothing and jewelry, implying their use as amulets.

Black women not only wore these West African garments to remain connected with their former cultures, but they also wore the garments as a form of resistance against enslavement.[xiv] Enslaved Black women despised their status as slaves but were able to feel proud about and connect to their former West African heritage when they wore their cultural headdresses. The significance of these garments likely gave Black women a feeling of strength and empowerment as they were emotionally frightened by the abuse they faced from their enslavers.

During the 18th century, the exploitation of enslaved Black women through their gender and race greatly influenced the way they survived and flourished in a prejudicial society. Enslaved women were exploited in numerous ways and were expected to address the needs of others to the detriment of caring for themselves and their families. They worked extremely hard, both in the house and in the field, and did whatever they were commanded to do withstanding both physical and emotional abuse. They were often raped through their shabby clothing and physically assaulted by their master’s for punishment, as a means to increase their profit in human labor. But still, an enslaved Black woman was able to overcome these acts of exploitation non-violently and create her own peace by wearing and displaying garments that were distinct to her West African culture. Given all that these enslaved women endured, we should respect and admire their ability to overcome such incredible hardships.

Bibliography

Primary Sources:

Smithsonian, and National Museum of African American History and Culture. “Cowrie Shells and Trade Power.” National Museum of African American History and Culture. Accessed November 15, 2023. https://nmaahc.si.edu/cowrie-shells-and-trade-power#:~:text=Europeans%20in%20the%2016th%20century,at%20their%20use%20as%20amulets .

[i] LDHI, “Hidden Voices: Enslaved Women in the Lowcountry and U.S. South,” LDHI, accessed November 27, 2023, https://ldhi.library.cofc.edu/exhibits/show/hidden-voices/enslaved-womens-work.

[ii] LDHI, “Hidden Voices,” LDHI.

[iii] LDHI, “Hidden Voices,” LDHI.

[iv] Jennifer Hallam, “The Slave Experience: Men, Women & Gender,” Slavery and the Making of America, accessed November 27, 2023, https://www.thirteen.org/wnet/slavery/experience/gender/history.html.

[v] Emily West, Enslaved Women in America: From Colonial Times to Emancipation (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2017), 29

[vi] West, Enslaved Women, 28.

[vii] LDHI, “Hidden Voices,” LDHI.

[viii] West, Enslaved Women, 28.

[ix] West, Enslaved Women, 29

[x] West, Enslaved Women, 31.

[xi] Daina Ramey Berry and Deleso A. Alford, eds., Enslaved Women in America: An Encyclopedia enhanced credo edition ed. (Santa Barbara, CA: Greenwood, 2012), 34 and 35.

[xii] Katherine Gruber, ed., “Clothing and Adornment of Enslaved People in Virginia,” Encyclopedia Virginia, last modified December 7, 2020, accessed November 5, 2023, https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/slave-clothing-and-adornment-in-virginia/.

[xiii] Gruber, “Clothing and Adornment,” Encyclopedia Virginia.

[xiv] Smithsonian and National Museum of African American History and Culture, “Cowrie Shells and Trade Power,” National Museum of African American History and Culture, accessed November 15, 2023, https://nmaahc.si.edu/cowrie-shells-and-trade-power#:~:text=Europeans%20in%20the%2016th%20century,at%20their%20use%20as%20amulets.

Secondary Sources:

Berry, Daina Ramey, and Deleso A. Alford, eds. Enslaved Women in America: An Encyclopedia. Enhanced Credo edition ed. Santa Barbara, CA: Greenwood, 2012.

Gruber , Katherine, ed. “Clothing and Adornment of Enslaved People in Virginia.” Encyclopedia Virginia. Last modified December 7, 2020. Accessed November 5, 2023. https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/slave-clothing-and-adornment-in-virginia/.

Hallam, Jennifer. “The Slave Experience: Men, Women & Gender.” Slavery and the Making of America. Accessed November 27, 2023. https://www.thirteen.org/wnet/slavery/experience/gender/history.html.

LDHI. “Hidden Voices: Enslaved Women in the Lowcountry and U.S. South.” LDHI. Accessed November 27, 2023. https://ldhi.library.cofc.edu/exhibits/show/hidden-voices/enslaved-womens-work.

West, Emily. Enslaved Women in America: From Colonial Times to Emancipation. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2017.