Era 14 Contemporary United States: Domestic Policies (1970–Today)

www.njcss.org

Engaging High School Students in Global Civic Education Lessons in U.S. History

The relationship between the individual and the state is present in every country, society, and civilization. Relevant questions about individual liberty, civic engagement, government authority, equality and justice, and protection are important for every demographic group in the population.  In your teaching of World History, consider the examples and questions provided below that should be familiar to students in the history of the United States with application to the experiences of others around the world.

These civic activities are designed to present civics in a global context as civic education happens in every country.  The design is flexible regarding using one of the activities, allowing students to explore multiple activities in groups, and as a lesson for a substitute teacher. The lessons are free, although a donation to the New Jersey Council for the Social Studies is greatly appreciated. www.njcss.org

During the last quarter of the 20th century and the first quarter of the 21st century, the United States and the world experienced rapid changes in the environment, technology, human rights, and world governments. During this period there were three economic crises, a global pandemic, migrations of populations, and a global pandemic. There were also opportunities in health care, biotechnology, and sustainable sources of energy. The debate over individual freedoms, human rights, guns, voting, affordability, and poverty were present in many countries, including the United States.

As the United States became more diverse and inclusive after the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act, our population became divided on the assimilation of immigrants and restricting the number entering the United States.  The civil liberties in our constitution become challenged as people wanted “law and order.” One civil liberty that has weakened over time is the “Miranda Warning” from the U.S. Supreme Court decision in Miranda v. Arizona, (1966).

“Ernesto Miranda was convicted on charges of kidnapping and rape. He was identified in a police lineup and questioned by the police. He confessed and then signed a written statement without first having been told that he had the right to have a lawyer present to advise him (under the Sixth Amendment) or that he had a right to remain silent (under the Fifth Amendment). Miranda’s confession was later used against him at his trial and a conviction was obtained. When Miranda’s case came before the United States Supreme Court and the Court ruled that, “detained criminal suspects, prior to police questioning, must be informed of their constitutional right against self-incrimination and the right to an attorney.” The court explained, “a defendant’s statement to authorities are inadmissible in court unless the defendant has been informed of their right to have an attorney present during questioning and an understanding that anything, they say will be held against them.” The court reasoned that these procedural safeguards were required under the United States Constitution.”

Miranda rights typically do not apply to individuals stopped for traffic violations until the individual is taken into custody. There are four rights that are usually read to someone about to be interrogated or detained against their will.

  • The Right to Remain Silent: You are not obligated to answer any questions from law enforcement.
  • Anything You Say Can Be Used Against You: Statements you make during questioning can be presented as evidence in court.
  • The Right to an Attorney: You have the right to consult with a lawyer before answering questions and to have one present during interrogation.
  • If You Can’t Afford a Lawyer, One Will Be Provided: This guarantees access to legal counsel, regardless of your financial situation.

This basic civil liberty has weakened over time giving more power to the police (government).  This power has resulted in forced confessions, false statements by the police, accusations of resisting arrest by not providing the police with basic information, and delaying the reading of the Miranda Warning.  In Vega v. Tekoh (2022), the U.S. Supreme Court held, Miranda warnings are not rights but rather judicially crafted rules, significantly weakening this civil liberty as a constitutional protection. 

Unlike in the United states, in Japan, individuals are presumed guilty. There is no right to remain silent or the offer of a lawyer. Many people, including juveniles, may be detained for months as the authorities try to obtain a signed confession. Most people are unaware of these practices because of Japan’s reputation as a democracy and their international human rights record.

“Tomo A., arrested in August 2017 for allegedly killing his six-week-old child by shaking. He spent nine months in detention awaiting trial, and during that time, prosecutors told him that either he or his wife must have killed their baby and his wife would be prosecuted if he did not confess. He was acquitted in November 2018.”

Bail is not an option during the pre-indictment period and it is frequently denied after a person is indicted of a crime. Bail, when granted, is limited to a maximum of 10 days with an appeal for an additional extension of up to 23 days. Individuals who are released, are watched closely and new arrests are fairly common.

“Yusuke Doi, a musician, was held for 10 months without bail after being arrested on suspicion of stealing 10,000 yen (US$90) from a convenience store. His application for bail was denied nine times. Even though he was ultimately acquitted, a contract that Doi had signed with a record company prior to his arrest to produce an album was cancelled, resulting in financial loss and setting back his career.”

Police often use intimidation, threats, verbal abuse, and sleep deprivation to get someone to confess or provide information. The Japanese Constitution states that “no person shall be compelled to testify against himself” and a “confession made under compulsion, torture or threat, or after prolonged arrest or detention shall not be admitted in evidence.”

The accused are not allowed to meet, call, or even exchange letters with anyone else, including family members. Many individuals interviewed by Human Rights Watch cited this ban on communications as a cause of significant anxiety while in detention.

In 2015, Kayo N. was arrested for conspiracy to commit fraud. Kayo N. said that she worked as a secretary at a company from February 2008 to October 2011. In December 2008, the company president asked her to become the interim president of another company owned by her boss while a replacement was sought. She said that she was unaware that the company only existed on paper and that her boss had previously been blacklisted from obtaining loans. After her arrest and detention, the judge issued a contact prohibition order on the grounds that she might conspire to destroy evidence. Kayo N. was not allowed to see anyone but her lawyer for one year, could not receive letters, and could only write to her two adult sons with the permission of the presiding judge.

She said: “After I was moved to the Tokyo detention center, I was kept in the “bird cage” [solitary confinement] from April 2016 to July 2017. It was so cold that it felt like sleeping in a field, I had frostbite. I spoke only twice during the day to call out my number. It felt like I was losing my voice. The contact prohibition order was removed one year after my arrest. However, I remained in solitary confinement.

Kayo N. said she did not know why she had been put in solitary confinement. She says that police also interrogated her sons to compel her to confess. The long trial process also exacerbated financial hardships. She was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment.”

Japan has a 99.8 percent conviction rate in cases that go to trial, according to 2021 Supreme Court statistics.

Questions:

  1. Should the rights of an individual receive greater or lesser weight than the police powers of the state when someone is accused of a criminal offense?
  2. How can the Miranda rights be protected and preserved in the United States or should they be interpreted and implemented at the local or state level?
  3. How is Japan able to continue with its preference for police powers when international human rights organizations have called for reform?
  4. In the context of detainment by federal immigration officers in the United States in 2026, do U.S. citizens (and undocumented immigrants) have any protected rights or an appeal process when detained without cause?

How to Interact with Police (Video, 20 minutes)

The Erosion of Miranda (American Bar Association)

Vega v. Tekoh(2022)

Japan’s “Hostage Justice” System (Human Rights Watch)

Caught Between Hope and Despair: An Analysis of the Japanese Criminal Justice System (University of Denver)

Activity #2: Gun laws in United States and New Zealand

Since 1966, 1,728 people have been killed and 2,697 injured in mass public shootings in the United States. The definition of a mass shooting is three or more individuals being killed. (Investigative Assistance for Violent Crimes Act, 2012) The U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation does not define a mass shooting with a specific number of deaths. Technology, especially the production of ‘ghost guns’ with   3-D printers has contributed to gun violence.  Handguns are used in 73% of mass shootings and rifles, shotguns, assault weapons, and multiple weapons are also used.

Before 2008, the District of Columbia prohibited the possession of usable handguns in the home. This was challenged by Dick Heller, a special police officer in the District of Columbia who was licensed to carry a firearm while on duty. He applied to the chief of police for permission to have a firearm in his home for one year. The chief of police had the authority to grant a temporary license but denied the license to Dick Heller, who appealed the decision in a federal court.

The Second Amendment states that “A well-regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” Several state constitutions give citizens the right to bear arms in defense of themselves and outside an organized state militia. Individuals used weapons against Native Americans and enslaved individuals.

The United States has the highest number of registered guns per person in the world. Estimates range from 300 million (one per person) to over 400 million. Even with effective legislation on restricting guns, these weapons would still be availabile. Approximately 10 million firearms are produced annually.

A discussion in your classroom might focus on the debate within the state legislatures during the ratification of the Constitution regarding the use or arms for a state militia and the right of individuals to carry weapons for hunting.  The Bruen decision (2022) requires that gun laws today need to be consistent with the historical understanding from when the states ratified the Bill of Rights.

1. Is this requirement possible and relevant? In 1789 people hunted for their food and today people go shopping in supermarkets.   In 1789, the federal government relied on states to support an army and today we have a highly trained military.  

2. Has the technology on producing guns change the right to keep and bear arms? Assault weapons and the production of ghost guns did not exist 200 years ago.

3. Should the need to restrict the right to keep and bear arms be consider as a result that the population of the United States is now over 300 million?  A significant portion of the population lives in urban areas with high-rise apartment complexes. Should the history of previous centuries alongside the mass shooting events of the 21st century,  be careful considered in the debate to restrict gun ownership?

March 15, 2019 marks one of the darkest days in New Zealand when 51 people were killed and 50 others wounded when a gunman fired at two mosques in the city of ChristChurch.  This was the worst peacetime mass shooting in New Zealand’s history. Within one month New Zealand’s Parliament voted 119-1 on a nationwide ban on semi-automatic weapons and assault rifles.  The gun reform law also set up a commission to establish limits on social media, accessibility to weapons, and education.  In addition to the sweeping reform of gun laws, a special commission is being set up to explore broader issues around accessibility of weapons and the role of social media.

Australia also introduced a ban on automatic and semi-automatic weapons and restrictive licensing laws after a mass shooting in 1996.  Some states in the United States have enacted strict laws restricting ghost guns (New Jersey, Oregon) and automatic weapons (New Jersey). However, the debate has been contentious in these states and the almost unanimous vote in New Zealand is not likely in the United States.

Questions:

  1. How significant would restrictive legislation in the United States be in curtailing mass shootings and/or murders?
  2. In addition to the influence of the gun lobby in the United States, what is the next most powerful influence against gun reforms in the United States?
  3. Is it possible for states to have their own restrictive gun laws with the Bruen decision by the U.S. Supreme Court?
  4. Why do you think restrictive gun laws were enacted in New Zealand and Australia? (absence of a constitutional protection, common national identity, religious beliefs, culture, leadership by the government, public outrage, etc.)
  5. As a class, do you think gun reform laws in the United States are possible in the next 5-10 years?

District of Columbia v. Heller(2008)

Why Heller is Such Bad History(Duke Center for Firearms Law)

15 Years After Heller: Bruen is Unleashing Chaos, But There is Hope for Regulations(Alliance for Justice)

Mass Shooting Factsheet (Rockefeller Institute of Government)

Gun Ownership in the U.S. by State (World Population Review)

Gun Control: New Zealand Shows the Way(International Bar Association)

Firearms Reforms (New Zealand Ministry of Justice)

Activity #3: Affordability in the USA and Italy.

According to the Congressional Research Service (CRS), poverty has decreased in the United States from 15% 2010 to 11.1% in 2023, and in 2025 it is estimated to be 9.2%.  Poverty is measured both as the number of people below a defined income threshold of $31,200 for a family of four in 2025 (absolute poverty or below the poverty line) and as a quality of life issue for people living in a community. (relative poverty)  Source

Figure 1. Official Poverty Rate and Number of Persons in Poverty: 1959 to 2023

(poverty rates in percentages, number of persons in millions; shaded bars indicate recessions)

Unfortunately, poverty rates vary by sex, gender, and race. The current ‘affordability’ crisis in the United States is an example of relative poverty with many complex factors contributing to it.

Figure 4. Official Poverty Rates by Race and Hispanic Origin: 2023

A general guideline for budgeting housing expenses (rent or mortgage) is 33% of a household income, although expenses for rent and mortgage will vary by zip code.  The U.S. Census Bureau reported a per capita income of $43,289 (in 2023 dollars) for 2019-2023, while the Federal Reserve Bank reported a personal income per capita of $73,207 for 2024.  Personal income is the total earnings an individual receives from wages, salaries, investments and government benefits before income taxes are deducted. For your discussion consider the following based on $73,207 for one person. A family of four income with two working adults would be $146,414.

Federal Taxes (22%) $16,104

NJ State Taxes (5%) $3,660.

Housing (33%) $24,156 ($2,000 a month)

Food (10%) $7,300 ($140 per week)

Auto Transportation (15%) $10,980

Discretionary Spending (15%) $10,980

Consider the discretionary expenses in your family for phones, cable and internet, car lease or loan payments, vacation, gifts, savings, clothing, credit card debt, education, etc.

As incomes rise people spend more money on food, but it represents a smaller share of their income. In 2023, households with the lowest incomes spent an average of $5,278 on food representing 32.6% of after-tax income. Middle income households spent an average of $8,989 representing 13.5% of after-tax income) and the highest income households spent an average of $16,996 on food representing 8.1 percent of after-tax income.

The starting salary for many individuals with a four-year college education is about $70,000. Living in New Jersey is more expensive than living in many other states but for the purpose of discussion, we will use New Jersey as our reference.

The poverty rate in Italy is 9.8%, similar to the rate in the United States. However, the poverty rate for individuals below the poverty line (income level) is 5%.  Approximately half of the people in poverty are living in southern Italy.  Two contributing factors are the continuing effects from the government shutdown during the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020 and an aging population. These factors are related to Italy’s high unemployment rate of 6.8% (2024), which is higher than the 4.4% in the United States, weak GDP growth of less than 1%.  With a per capita income of $39,000 USD, Italy also has an affordability crisis.  The per capita income in Italy is about one-half of the per capita income in the United States.

In 2017, Italy approved a program of “Inclusion Income: which has been reformed twice since its adoption. Under the current (2024) “Income Allowance” about 50% of the population receives supplemental income. This program supports economic upward mobility through education and health care. Italy has partnered with the World Bank to support this program.  Another benefit of the program is that poverty is not increasing and will be significantly reduced over time.

Questions:

  1. Is the solution for affordability a higher minimum wage, lower taxes, price controls on food and housing, a guaranteed minimum income, or something else?
  2. Is it possible to lower the poverty rate through education and effective budgeting skills?
  3. Where do most Americans overspend their money and how can this best be corrected?
  4. Are transfer payments by the government (child care, Medicaid, Social Security, Unemployment Insurance, SNAP), wasteful or helpful?
  5. As a policy maker in the federal or state government, what is the first action you would take to address the affordability problem in the United States or in your state?
  6. How is Italy addressing the causes of poverty in addition to providing a guaranteed income to support people and families with basic needs?
  7. How is Italy financing its program and is it cost effective?
  8. Are tax cuts or tax credits an effective policy to assist people facing affordability issues?

7 Key Trends in Poverty in the United States (Peter G. Peterson Foundation)

United States Country Profile (World Bank)

Poverty in the United States: 2024(U.S. Census)

2025: Kids Count Data Book (Annie E. Casey Foundation)

Italy’s Poverty Reduction Reforms(World Bank)

Evolving Poverty in Italy: Individual Changes and Social Support Networks(Molecular Diversity Preservation International, MDPI)

ISTAT Report: Poverty and Inequalities in Italy(EGALITE)

Italy’s Fight Against Global Poverty (The Borgen Project)

Voter participation is based on many factors and the structure for electing representatives to Congress is complex and is related to the selection of electors in each state who vote for the president and vice-president every four years.  In the first 25 years of the 21st century, voting has changed significantly in the United States regarding the way citizens vote and in the definition of a legally registered voter. In this activity, you will discuss and analyze the issues of gerrymandering, voter participation, and voter eligibility in the United States and compare our process with voter participation in Greece.

Every 10 years, states redraw the boundaries of congressional districts to reflect population changes reported in the census. The purpose is to create districts/maps that elect legislative bodies that fairly represent communities. In 1929, the number of representatives for the population was set at 435. In the 1920s the debate about fairness was between urban and rural populations and today it is between racial and ethnic populations and political parties. This practice is ‘partisan gerrymandering’. In 2019, the Supreme Court ruled in Rucho v. Common Cause, that gerrymandered maps cannot be challenged in federal court.

Partisan gerrymandering is undemocratic when one party controls the process at the state level.  Cracking is a strategy that places some voters in districts that are a a distance from their immediate geographic area, making it very difficult for them to elect a candidate from their political party preference or racial or ethnic group. The majority of voters in New Jersey favored the Democratic Party making it difficult to establish districts that are fair to residents who favor the Republican Party. The issue of fairness may conflict with what is considered legal, fair, and constitutional. This complexity should engage students in a lively debate regarding its relationship to voter participation.

After the 2020 census, Republicans controlled the redistricting process in more states than Democrats.

In Illinois, the Democratic majority designed the congressional map limiting Republicans to just 3 of 17 seats. The use of algorithms and artificial intelligence are assisting the drawing of partisan districts.  South Carolina offers an example of racial bias in a reconfigured district in Charleston that removed many Black voters. However, when challenged under the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the new design was defended based on politics rather than race or ethnicity.

Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act has been challenged in the federal courts and amended in 1982. The decision in Village of Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Hous Development Corporation (1977) is the current standard regarding a requirement that discrimination would actually harm minority voting strength. This standard is more difficult to prove than an expectation that it might be discriminatory. In 2013, a requirement of photo identification in North Carolina was challenged in Shelby County v. Holder but there was insufficient evidence to meet the standard of discrimination.

Voting is basically controlled by the states, although they must be in compliance with federal laws regarding elections for Congress and the President. Every state, except North Dakota, requires citizens to register to vote. Voter registration can help prevent ineligible voters from voting. The registration process generally includes identification to validate age, residency, citizenship, and a valid signature or state ID. Registration also prevents people from voting multiple times and someone stealing their ballot and submitting it.

There are different ways to measure voter participation regarding trends over time, in years when voters elected a governor or president, by age, race, or ethnicity, when a popular issue was on the ballot, etc.  In New Jersey, voter participation is generally less than 50% of the population.

In presidential elections, the voter turnout is between 60% and 70% on average. New Jersey has more than 70% of the population voting. Efforts to increase voter participation include early voting, mail-in ballots, and extended hours at polls.

Greece

Voter Participation:

Voter participation rates in the European Union are less than 50%. The democracies in most European Union countries have multiple political parties, unlike the United States which has two major parties. One of the reasons for the lower voter turnout is pessimism regarding both the candidates and issues. The voter participation rate in Greece is above the average of EU countries, and we will use this as our case study.

In 2025, Greece’s political scene is dominated by the center-right party, New Democracy. The largest opposition party is the SYRIZA, a left wing of progressive party. Some of the current problems or issues facing the people in Greece are high prices, health care, and public safety. The Russia-Ukraine War and the authoritarian government in Turkey are also concerns.

The survey revealed a significant and concerning trend, with recent elections showing record-high abstention rates—46.3% in the June 2023 national elections and 58.8% in the June 2024 European elections. A recent scandal in Greece also impacted the election involving a spyware tool, Predator, which has been associated with associates of the current Prime Minister, Kyriakos Mitsotakis. The illustration below is a guide to the numerous ideologies of the political parties in Greece. There are also restrictions on the freedom of the press, which fosters a credibility gap between the people and their government.

Questions:

  1. Why do you think the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that racial gerrymandering is illegal but partisan gerrymandering is permitted?
  2. In Rucho, the U.S. Supreme Court acknowledged that partisan gerrymandering may be “incompatible with democratic principles.” Do you agree or disagree? Explain your answer.
  3. Even though gerrymandering may benefit one political party over another, it is the people who elect the state representatives who draw the maps for the congressional districts. Is this practice fair or unfair?
  4. What is the best way to significantly increase voter participation in the United States, Greece, and other countries?
  5. Are the requirements for voter registration and proof of identification significant restrictions on voters?
  6. To what extent is voting in New Jersey fair for all eligible voters?

Election Guide: United States(International Foundation for Electoral Systems)

Election Guide: Greece(International Foundation for Electoral Systems)

United States(Freedom House)

The Permanent Apportionment Act of 1929(U.S. House of Representatives)

Freedom to Vote Act(Brennan Center for Justice)

Greece(Freedom House)

Why Greeks are staying Away from the Polls: Key Insights into the 2023-2024 Survey(Kapa Research)

The Devastating Effects of the Great Leap Forward

Right after the end of the Second World War, there was a new issue that took center stage that would essentially divide the entire world in half for the next several decades, that being the rise and spread of communism. Initially starting during the Russian Revolution in 1917, communism was starting to spread throughout the world due to the expanding influences of socialist ideologies that were turning many civilizations into communist states either under or at the very least inspired by the Soviet Union. Many other countries began seeing their own revolutions that would lead to a rebirth or major change within their government system, with one such example being China becoming a communist nation in 1949. The man who single handedly led the people of China into a new era in Chinese history and would become their new leader was Mao Zedong. During this time in the world, the cold war was in full effect with many countries not only falling to communism, but also the race to advance a nation’s status among the world. Mao Zedong saw that China had the full potential to grow stronger and faster in their economy, resources, and military. Starting in 1958, Mao Zedong would launch the Great Leap Forward, a movement that would focus on improving China’s stature as fast as possible to catch up with other global powers such as the Soviet Union and the United States. However, Mao’s ambitious methods and dedication to rapidly increasing production and change in China would majorly backfire. It isn’t a disputed claim that the Great Leap Forward did not work and was in fact a major failure under Mao Zedong’s leadership, but how bad were the repercussions from the Great Leap Forward? This paper will be discussing the extent of the failures and cost of human lives caused by the Great Leap Forward.

            The early stages of the Cold War consisted of the biggest, most powerful nations during that time displaying their strength, alliances, power, and influence over the world. One side of the conflict was the United States, which had significant military strength, government leadership, and made it their goal to get involved when necessary to prevent other countries from falling to communism. On the other side of the spectrum was the Soviet Union, who held control over nearly half of Europe (particularly the nations who were formerly occupied by the Axis powers during World War II), and was starting to spread their influences throughout several parts of Asia, including China. The leader of the newly founded People’s Republic of China, Mao Zedong, took notice of how fast the Soviet Union was able to rapidly catch up to the world, and that it was one of the biggest reasons towards what led the U.S.S.R. to be seen as major and powerful threats towards the rest of the world.

In the article Demographic Consequences of the Great Leap Forward in China’s Provinces by Xizhe Peng, Mao’s ambition to replicate what was done just earlier under Stalin’s five year plans is what would inspire his decision to speed up production throughout the country’s systems in order to quickly reach the level of and even outperform other countries1. “the late Chairman Mao Zedong proposed the goal for China of overtaking Great Britain in industrial production within 15 years…The general line of the Party that guided the Great Leap Forward was ‘Going all out, aiming high and achieving greater, faster, better, and more economical results in building socialism’” (Peng)1. Beginning in 1958, China wanted to reach certain levels of production in which Mao Zedong would see as great improvements for China in building strength within resources, such as industrializing faster in order to catch up on steel production in order to provide more tools, resources, and military equipment. Nearly all citizens would be put to work in order to help contribute towards the bigger collection, and while in practice this may seem like a good idea, there would only be problems that quickly emerged which eventually lead bad situations to catastrophic failures. 

            Poor decisions, bad thought processes, and poor actions that were made by Chairman Mao Zedong would heavily damage his own society and would be the somewhat direct cause of the deaths of millions of people. In the article Dealing with Responsibility for the Great Leap Famine in the People’s Republic of China by Felix Wemheuer, it discusses about who or what the Chinese communist party blamed for the disastrous results that the Great Leap Forward caused in the rise of famine and deaths throughout China, and many felt that Mao Zedong himself was solely responsible.2 For a short while, Mao Zedong was so stubborn that he refused to accept responsibility for what he caused to happen throughout China, instead wanting to blame other elements. However, due to pressure from his party and the massive amount of devastation that was now throughout China due to the failure of wanting to mass produce, Mao Zedong would eventually take some of the blame.

            The rapid growth that the Soviet Union was able to accomplish in just a short amount of time was a remarkable feat. The Soviet Union succeeded in becoming the industrial powerhouse that they were in the mid-20th century, and it was an impressive achievement for showing how any country can shift their goals and, within a short time period, can grow in the eyes of the world in terms of strength and power. In the period of world history where many countries were racing in the growth of their industry, military, and their level of dominance in the world, Mao Zedong was looking to use, explore, and expand upon similar strategies in order for China to join the arms race and to be seen as a powerful contender. Mao Zedong was clearly trying to follow in their footsteps in rapidly increasing their resources and financial stock, but just as how the Russians suffered through major push-back, the people of China would face similar, yet even greater push-back towards their economy. The article Causes, Consequences and Impact of the Great Leap Forward in China by Hsiung-Shen Jung and Jui-Lung Chen describes the detrimental damage the Great Leap Forward caused to China’s economy3. “After the Great Leap Forward, it took five years to adjust the national economy before it was restored to the 1957 level… economic losses of up to RMB 120 billion” (Hsiung-Shen and Jui-Lung)3. The nation was put under tremendous debt due to the poor planning and even worse results caused by Mao Zedong during the period of the Great Leap Forward, and to top it off, Mao’s stubbornness prevented him from taking any responsibility. Mao would even go on to make claims to purposely lead the people of China’s frustrations towards something else. It is stated within Hsiung-Shen Jung and Jui-Lung Chen’s article that “Mao remained reluctant to fully acknowledge the mistakes of the Great Leap Forward… he proposed the Party’s fundamental approach in the socialist stage, followed by a left-wing socialist educational campaign aimed at cracking down on the capitalist roaders,” (Hsiung-Shen and Jui-Lung)3. Just as Mao spread his ideologies and political messages throughout China to the people, he responded to the major hardship of a failed experiment he caused by trying to shift the blame onto those with the opposite economic and business philosophies of the Chinese Communist Party. The main cause of the detrimental shape of China’s economy due to major loss in food production, labor, and the loss of people’s lives was caused pushing the country too hard and too fast in Mao’s egotistical push for China to change and grow faster rather than taking his time for proper developmental growth and a fair distribution of the wealth, food, and supplies to his own citizens.

            The famine caused by the Great Leap Forward is one of just a few of the most infamous famines throughout history, such as the notorious Irish potato famine of the 19th century that killed over a million people. The total death toll of the famine caused in China during the Great Leap Forward was in the tens of millions, and as the article Mortality consequences of the 1959-1961 Great Leap Forward famine in China: Debilitation, selection, and mortality crossovers by Shige Song describes famines, “Famine is a catastrophic event” (Song)4.

This same article goes into a research study done by the author who has not only compromised data from the mortality rate and statistics during the Chinese famine, but also how it had such negative repercussions for the people and birth rates afterwards, such as a graph that shows the probability of survival decreasing4. The declining rate of survival not only affected very young kids and teens, but was affecting people years after the famine was over. The distribution of food supplies and decreasing amount of crops successfully growing made such a major dent in the health and lifespan of the average citizen in China, and that the famine itself began so quickly and rapidly within a short period of time. The Great Leap Forward only lasted for a few years, but its severe damages caused upon China would cause the people of China to continue to suffer for the following years to come.

            When thinking about how to measure the severity of an event or period of time, one may look at the total number of people that died who were directly linked to the occurrence. While this is certainly a fully reasonable statistic to use, in the case of a famine where the main cause of death is starvation, it can create the question of how much of a difference in food output really was there? The article The Great Leap Forward: Anatomy of a Central Planning Disaster by Wei Li and Dennis Tao Yang goes into many exact pieces of data and statistics regarding the output of grain being grown, the number of workers, and other elements of farm production5.

The Great Leap Forward lasted from 1958-1962, and within Li and Tao Yang’s grain output table in China, it shows that the total grain output during the years of the Great Leap Forward decreased by almost 100 million tons of grain, which is a loss of almost half of the total grain output just before the Great Leap Forward5. During this same time range, there was a noticeable decrease in workers, presumably dying due to the famine and harsh labor they were being put through. However, there was also an increase in both farm machinery and chemical fertilizer which would rapidly increase more in the years after the Great Leap Forward. Now while this can be considered a small victory for Mao’s intent on rapidly increasing and modernizing China’s agriculture, it did come at the major cost of both a famine, a decrease in crops being grown, and the loss of many Chinese farmers. The advanced farming tools, machinery, and techniques that did come from the Great Leap Forward still came at a major cost for the people and economy of China.

            While farming and grain production was a very big part in the overall progression of China’s resources, it wasn’t the only thing that Mao Zedong was trying to rapidly change and try to improve in order to make China a more powerful country. For most of history, China was primarily an agricultural society, but in the turn of the 20th century, many countries were beginning to not only industrialize in materials, resources, and military, but they were doing so at a very fast rate. The production of steel in China was to be taken much more seriously in order for China to catch up with the other world powers in terms of strength in industrialized resources, but just like with the negative consequences of rapidly changing grain production, Mao’s attempt to reform steel production in China also came with its own tolls. Going back to Wei Li and Dennis Tao Yang’s article The Great Leap Forward: Anatomy of a Central Planning Disaster, there is a statistics table done on the steel production and output in China during this time period, and it shows how big of a jump there was in steel and iron output within a very short amount of time5. China was able to triple their steel and iron output during the years of the Great Leap Forward, and the number of production units increased from tens of households to over two thousand households in just a few years5. However, during this same time gap, the number of provinces that allowed its people to have exit rights quickly went down as more and more provinces were quickly taking away rights from its own workers. Also, in the years after the Great Leap Forward, the output of steel and the number of production units would decrease by a noticeable amount, showing that it was only just a very short term benefit with major consequences5. This shows how quick, rapid, and big changes in the production of any resource within a country is not good for the other elements of that country, such as human rights and households with either food or enough materials and resources.

            The rapid increase in the demand for more food and a faster input of the growth of crops was not good in the long run for the people themselves, since it would cause a famine and leave millions upon millions of people to starve to death. Starvation is already a major issue for the population of one of the most populous countries in the world, but not only were the Chinese people affected negatively by the Great Leap Forward’s farming strategies, but the ground itself was severely damaged by the rapid changes and increased activity in China. The article Terrain Ruggedness and Limits of Political Repression: Evidence from China’s Great Leap Forward and Famine (1959–61) by Elizabeth Gooch explains how Mao’s farming campaign during the Great Leap Forward not only increased the mortality rate, but also damaged the dirt and soil of China6. There are statistics and graphs put together by Elizbeth Gooch in her article showing how because of the Great Leap Forward, there was an increased number in the amount of rugged terrain due to a vast increase of production, manufacturing and pollution that were caused by the Great Leap Forward6. A lot of the natural dirt, soil, and nutrients found within the farming grounds used for growing crops, plants, and foods were now blighted by the overproduction going on throughout China, and that there are even parallels between the death rate and the rate of soil becoming rugged. Mao Zedong wanted grain production, along with the production of other resources, to keep increasing, but due to his plans being executed in poor fashion and horrendous results, he was causing so much harm and damage towards the people of China and to China’s natural environment.

The number of crops being harvested is down, the natural land of China is dwindling, and there is a famine that has taken the lives of millions of people, but there’s a chance that this was all worth it in the long run for the growth and prosperity of China. The main purpose of Mao Zedong’s Great Leap Forward was for China to catch up with the other fully developed and powerful countries, and one of the biggest factors that can help with that is having an efficient, well running, and strong industrial production system. Ever since the Industrial Revolution began back in the 19th century, civilizations one by one have moved forward with their main economic resource production with the building of many factories that produced metal, steel, and other materials. This was also one of the biggest things to come out of the Soviet Union’s rapid growth in power in the early 20th century, and it was the strong industrial powerhouse that Joseph Stalin achieved for his country that Mao Zedong wanted to implement for China. Returning to Elizabeth Gooch’s Terrain Ruggedness and Limits of Political Repression: Evidence from China’s Great Leap Forward and Famine (1959–61), the growth of industrialization within China was perhaps one of the biggest accomplishments in the Great Leap Forward6. As the line graphs in Gooch’s article shows, industry increased by a very large amount during the years of the Great Leap Forward, although agriculture took a slight decrease during that same time frame, most likely due to many of the farmers being forced to work in the newly made factories and steel producing areas6. However, while looking at the rates of birth, growth, and death during these same few years, it becomes clear that the success of rapid Chinese industrialization came at the expense of the people themselves. The birth and growth rate took a big decrease during this time, and the rate of death tremendously increased6. While China did greatly benefit from the growth of industry and metal production, it was done at the cost of the health and safety of the people, along with attention being shifted away from agriculture and polluting the land.

Besides the main elements of the Great Leap Forward that were seen as major problems for the people of China, such as grain, steel, food, and other resources, there was also another very important element that is crucial for the survival of people and civilizations: water. In the Great Leap Forward, there were also campaigns for the industrial working, usage, and processing of water that in itself would cause even more issues for China. In the article The Great Leap Forward (1958-1961) Historical events and causes of one of the biggest tragedies in People’s Republic of China’s history by Adriana Palese, it describes the effects of the increase of water conservation projects from 25 million to 100 million, “inhuman working hours”, and that the the projects themselves weren’t a success with a cost at the expense of the people of China, as “most were useless and caused disasters some years after and other projects were simply abandoned and left uncompleted” (Palese)7. While there is mention of a decrease in flooding, this is once again an example of the many campaigns launched by Mao Zedong to improve and advance China with rapid industrialization, it did not at all work for the benefit of the people of China as a whole since the vast majority of people would suffer from this, along with the other failed campaigns during the Great Leap Forward.

While rapidly increasing the production of everything in China may be seen as good in concept, not only would it very negatively harm the people and the society of China, but sometimes these bold campaigns would actually make these situations worse than they were before. In Adriana Palese’s The Great Leap Forward (1958-1961) Historical events and causes of one of the biggest tragedies in People’s Republic of China’s history, she writes that “there were total shortages of other foods and other products such as cooking oil, sugar, thermos bottles, porcelain dishes, glasses, shoes, etc” (Palese)7. Not only could less food be made due to the dwindling number of crops being grown and an ongoing famine, but the manufactured goods of simple tools and supplies were faxing a big shortage and that it seems like the simple transactional market based economy of China for all goods and products was collapsing. Palese’s article even includes the wide percentage decrease in the output of agriculture and industrial goods that were happening during this time period7. The Great Leap Forward was rapidly deteriorating all elements that make up Chinese society, their economy, public morale, and way of life.

During one of the most crucial parts of the Great Leap Forward, Mao Zedong aimed to improve and increase the farming of grain since it was still seen as a very important part in actually feeding the population. However, a common enemy to the growth of any crops in a farming society is bugs, pests, and other insects since they can eat away at the growing crops. Mao Zedong had his own solution to this problem. In the article China’s deadly science lesson: How an ill-conceived campaign against sparrows contributed to one of the worst famines in history by Jemimah Steinfeld, “As part of the Four Pests campaign – a hygiene campaign against flies, mosquitoes, rats and sparrows – people were called upon to shoot sparrows, destroy their nests and bang pots and pans until the birds died of exhaustion” (Steinfeld)8. Anyone in China, men, women, and children were able to participate in the killing/removal of these target pests. While there were minor victories removing these pests, it overall came at a serious cost. One of these so called pests, the sparrows, were removed from the China’s agricultural society, but they were responsible for keep an even bigger threat towards crops away, locusts.8 Even after Mao Zedong had stop the killing of sparrows, the damage has already been dead, as this was one of the biggest reasons in what led to the famine spreading so rapidly and quickly through China, causing the deaths of millions of people in just a few short years.8 This was seen as why no matter the circumstances or beliefs, the ecosystem of any land should never be altered or drastically changed for the human need, since removing living creatures from their natural habitat and cycle would cause such a direct correlation between the farming/pest campaign to the millions of deaths caused by famine.

In conclusion, while the Great Leap Forward was initially seen as a progressive strategy to quickly advance Chinese society, it ultimately resulted in failure. Millions of people would die due to starvation caused by mass famines throughout the vast farmland of China. Many farmers were taken from their fields and forced to work in industrial yards in order to catch up on steel and metal resources for China. Mao Zedong was so blinded by the result of other nation’s rapid industrialization that he ignored what negative consequences can come of it, only this time China would suffer greater than any country has suffered before with little to nothing to show for it. Mao Zedong’s attempt in advancing China only set back the country, reduced morale and reduced support from his own party. The Great Leap Forward will go down in history as one of the most devastating eras in Chinese history due to the major count of the loss of life and how one of the oldest and culture rich societies in the world nearly destroyed themselves over ambitious goals due to the global affairs in the Cold War.

Endnotes

  1. Peng, Xizhe. “Demographic Consequences of the Great Leap Forward in China’s Provinces.” The China Quarterly 159 (1999): 430-453.
  2. Wemheuer, Felix. “Dealing with Responsibility for the Great Leap Famine in the People’s Republic of China.” The China Quarterly 216 (2013): 402-423.
  3. Jung, Hsiung-Shen, and Jui-Lung Chen. “Causes, Consequences and Impact of the Great Leap Forward in China.” Asian Culture and History 11, no. 2 (2019): 61–70.
  4. Song, Shige. “Mortality Consequences of the 1959–1961 Great Leap Forward Famine in China: Debilitation, Selection, and Mortality Crossovers.” Social Science & Medicine 71, no. 3 (2010): 551–558.
  5. Li, Wei, and Dennis Tao Yang. “The Great Leap Forward: Anatomy of a Central Planning Disaster.” Journal of Political Economy 113, no. 4 (2005): 840–77.
  6. Gooch, Elizabeth. “Terrain Ruggedness and Limits of Political Repression: Evidence from China’s Great Leap Forward and Famine (1959–61).” Journal of Comparative Economics 47, no. 4 (2019): 699–718.
  7. Palese, Adriana. The Great Leap Forward (1958–1961): Historical Events and Causes of One of the Biggest Tragedies in People’s Republic of China’s History. Bachelor’s thesis, Lund University, 2009.
  8. Steinfeld, Jemimah. “China’s Deadly Science Lesson: How an Ill-Conceived Campaign Against Sparrows Contributed to One of the Worst Famines in History.” Index on Censorship 47, no. 3 (September 2018): 6–8.

Jung, Hsiung-Shen, and Jui-Lung Chen. “Causes, Consequences and Impact of the Great Leap Forward in China.” Asian Culture and History 11, no. 2 (2019): 61–70.

Gooch, Elizabeth. “Terrain Ruggedness and Limits of Political Repression: Evidence from China’s Great Leap Forward and Famine (1959–61).” Journal of Comparative Economics 47, no. 4 (2019): 699–718.

Li, Wei, and Dennis Tao Yang. “The Great Leap Forward: Anatomy of a Central Planning Disaster.” Journal of Political Economy 113, no. 4 (2005): 840–77.

Palese, Adriana. The Great Leap Forward (1958–1961): Historical Events and Causes of One of the Biggest Tragedies in People’s Republic of China’s History. Bachelor’s thesis, Lund University, 2009.

Peng, Xizhe. “Demographic Consequences of the Great Leap Forward in China’s Provinces.” The China Quarterly 159 (1999): 430-453.

Song, Shige. “Mortality Consequences of the 1959–1961 Great Leap Forward Famine in China: Debilitation, Selection, and Mortality Crossovers.” Social Science & Medicine 71, no. 3 (2010): 551–558.

Steinfeld, Jemimah. “China’s Deadly Science Lesson: How an Ill-Conceived Campaign Against Sparrows Contributed to One of the Worst Famines in History.” Index on Censorship 47, no. 3 (September 2018): 6–8.

Wemheuer, Felix. “Dealing with Responsibility for the Great Leap Famine in the People’s Republic of China.” The China Quarterly 216 (2013): 402-423.

Teaching the Black Death: Using Medieval Medical Treatments to Develop Historical Thinking

Few historical events capture students’ attention as immediately as the Black Death. The scale of devastation, the drama of symptoms, and the rapid spread of disease all make it an inherently compelling topic. But beyond the shock value, medieval responses to the plague open the door to something far more important for social studies education: historical thinking. When students first encounter medieval cures like bloodletting, vinegar-soaked sponges, herbal compounds like theriac, or even the infamous “live chicken treatment”, their instinct is often to laugh or dismiss the past as ignorant. Yet these remedies, when studied carefully, reveal a medical system that was logical, coherent, and deeply rooted in the scientific frameworks of its time. Teaching plague medicine provides teachers with a powerful opportunity to challenge presentism, develop students’ contextual understanding, and foster empathy for people whose worldview differed radically from our own. Drawing on research into plague treatments during the Black Death, this article offers teachers accessible background knowledge, addresses common misconceptions, and provides practical strategies and primary-source approaches that use medieval medicine to strengthen disciplinary literacy and historical reasoning in the social studies classroom.

Understanding medieval plague medicine begins with understanding humoral theory, the dominant medical framework of the period. Medieval Europeans believed that the body’s health depended on maintaining balance among the four humors: blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile (Leong, 2017). Illness occurred when these fluids fell out of proportion, making the plague less a foreign invader and more a catastrophic imbalance. Bloodletting was one of the most common responses, meant to “draw off the poisoned blood” and reduce fever. Other strategies included induced vomiting or purging, both intended to remove corrupted humors from the body. Treatises such as Bengt Knutsson’s The Dangers of Corrupt Air emphasized both prevention and treatment through the regulation of sensory experiences, most famously through the use of vinegar (Knuttson, 1994). Its sharp and purifying qualities made it useful for cleansing internal humors or blocking the inhalation of dangerous air. Though these methods seem foreign to modern readers, they reflect a rational system built upon centuries of inherited medical theory, offering students a clear example of how people in the past interpreted disease through the frameworks available to them.

Herbal and compound remedies were equally important in medieval plague treatment and worked in tandem with humoral correction. One of the most famous was theriac, a complex blend of dozens of ingredients including myrrh, cinnamon, opiates, and various roots (Fabbri, 2007). Practitioners believed that theriac fortified the heart and expelled harmful humors, with its complexity symbolizing the combined power of nature’s properties. Other remedies included ginger-infused ale, used to stimulate internal heat, or cupping, which involved applying heated horns or glasses to the skin in order to draw corrupted blood toward the surface. These treatments show the synthesis of classical medical texts, practical experimentation, and local knowledge. When teachers present these treatments in the classroom, students will begin to see medieval medicine not as random or superstitious, but as a sophisticated system shaped by observation, tradition, and reason.

Medieval healing also extended into the emotional and spiritual realms, reflecting the belief that physical and internal states were interconnected. Chroniclers described how fear and melancholy could hasten death, leading many to encourage celebrations, laughter, and community gatherings even during outbreaks. A monastic account from Austria advised people to “cheer each other up,” suggesting that joy strengthened the heart’s resilience. At the same time, religious writers like Dom Theophilus framed plague as both a physical and spiritual crisis, prescribing prayer, confession, and communion as essential components of healing. These practices did not replace medical treatment but complemented it, emphasizing the medieval tendency to view health holistically. Introducing students to these lifestyle-based treatments helps them recognize the complexity of medieval worldviews, where spirituality, emotion, and physical health were deeply intertwined.

Because plague remedies can appear unusual or ineffective to modern students, several misconceptions tend to arise in the classroom. Many students initially view medieval people as ignorant or irrational, evaluating the past through the lens of modern scientific understanding. When teachers contextualize treatments within humoral theory and medieval medical logic, students begin to appreciate the internal coherence of these ideas. Another misconception is that medieval treatments never worked. While these remedies could not cure the plague itself, many offered symptom relief, soothed discomfort, or prevented secondary infections, revealing that medieval medicine was neither wholly ineffective nor devoid of empirical reasoning (Archambeu, 2011). Students also often assume that religious explanations dominated all responses to disease. Examining both medical treatises and spiritual writings demonstrates that medieval responses were multifaceted, blending empirical, experiential, and religious approaches simultaneously. These insights naturally support classroom strategies that promote historical thinking.

Inquiry-based questioning works particularly well with plague treatments. Asking students, “Why would this treatment make sense within medieval beliefs about the body?” encourages them to reason from evidence rather than impose modern judgments. Primary-source stations using texts such as The Arrival of the Plague or The Treatise of John of Burgundy allow students to compare remedies, analyze explanations of disease, and evaluate the reliability and purpose of each author (Horrox, 1994). A creative but historically grounded activity involves inviting students to “design” a medieval plague remedy using humoral principles, requiring them to justify their choices based on qualities such as hot, cold, wet, and dry. Such exercises not only build understanding of the medieval worldview but also reinforce core social studies skills like sourcing, contextualization, and corroboration. Even broader reflections, such as comparing medieval interpretations of disease to modern debates about public health, can help students think critically about how societies make sense of crisis.

Teaching plague medicine carries powerful instructional implications. It fosters historical empathy by encouraging students to see past actions within their cultural context. It strengthens disciplinary literacy through close reading of primary sources and evaluation of evidence. It challenges misconceptions and reduces presentism, helping students develop a mature understanding of the past. The topic also naturally lends itself to interdisciplinary thinking, drawing connections between science, history, culture, and religion. Ultimately, medieval plague treatments offer teachers a rich opportunity to show students how historical interpretations develop through careful analysis of belief systems, available knowledge, and environmental conditions.

The Black Death will always capture students’ imaginations, but its true educational value lies in what it allows them to practice: empathy, critical thinking, and contextual reasoning. By reframing medieval treatments not as bizarre relics but as rational responses grounded in their own scientific traditions, teachers can transform a sensational topic into a meaningful lens for understanding how people in the past made sense of the world. In doing so, plague medicine becomes more than an engaging subject; it becomes a model for how historical study can illuminate the logic, resilience, and humanity of societies long removed from our own.

A fifteenth-century treatise on pestilence. (1994). In R. Horrox (Ed. & Trans.), The Black Death (pp. 193–194). Manchester University Press.

Archambeau, N. (2011). Healing options during the plague: Survivor stories from a fourteenth century canonization inquest. Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 85(4), 531–559. http://www.jstor.org/stable/44452234 

Fabbri, C. N. (2007). Treating medieval plague: The wonderful virtues of theriac. Early

Science and Medicine, 12(3), 247–283. http://www.jstor.org/stable/20617676 

Knutsson, B. (1994). The dangers of corrupt air. In R. Horrox (Ed. & Trans.), The Black Death (pp. 175–177). Manchester University Press.

Paris Medical Faculty. (1994). The report of the Paris medical faculty, October 1348. In R. Horrox (Ed. & Trans.), The Black Death (pp. 158–163). Manchester University Press.

Heinrichs, E. A. (2017). The live chicken treatment for buboes: Trying a plague cure in medieval and early modern Europe. Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 91(2), 210–232. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26311051 

Leong, E., & Rankin, A. (2017). Testing drugs and trying cures: Experiment and medicine in medieval and early modern Europe. Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 91(2), 157–182. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26311049 

The Plague in Central Europe. (1994). In R. Horrox (Ed. & Trans.), The Black Death (pp. 193–194). Manchester University Press. de’ Mussis, G. (1994). The arrival of the plague. In R. Horrox (Ed. & Trans.), The Black Death  (p. 25). Manchester University Press.

The treatise of John of Burgundy. (1994). In R. Horrox (Ed. & Trans.), The Black Death (pp. 184–192). Manchester University Press.

Theophilus, D. (1994). A wholesome medicine against the plague. In R. Horrox (Ed. & Trans.), The Black Death (pp. 149–153). Manchester University Press.

The transmission of plague. (1994). In R. Horrox (Ed. & Trans.), The Black Death (pp. 182–184). Manchester University Press.

Third Gender Identities in South Asia and their Cultural Significance in Modern History

 “Hijras are often seen doing mangti (begging) at busy intersections. The chelas knock on car windows to ask for money in exchange for their blessing… They fear that if they don’t give money, we might curse them with bad luck. We beg to feed ourselves. Even if they don’t want to, they’ll still give money. They’re scared they’ll be reborn as hijras in their next life, or they’ll lose a loved one, or have bad business… During mangti, I’ve been beaten many times. Some people have ripped my clothes. Nobody sees what’s good about us. People see us from a negative perspective. Some people even slap us, or will just tell us to go away. The police never help us. They discriminate against us or they pressure us into having sex with them.”[1]

The above passage is a testimony provided by a hijra to a Western news outlet, describing her experiences during mangti, a transaction that asks civilians to pay for services such as blessings. Despite this being a fair transaction, average civilians hold a hostile view towards Hijra who are asking for payment, yet many still pay for the service. This is one of the few ways that hijra make money in the present day; it resonates with their traditional practices at childbirths, weddings, and other communal events to support and provide blessings to their communities. The negative perception of Hijra by the public can be seen through the police brutality and violence that many of these individuals go through in the present. However, the story of the Hijra did not start in the 21st century and third gender individuals have had a presence in South Asia for centuries.

The Hijra are a modern group of individuals that live in South Asia, identifying as a third gender that is legally recognized in the 21st century, these individuals are born male but do not identify with their sex. Many who identify with the term also consider themselves as “Demigods” and beyond the identity of an ordinary individual. Their history and community tell the narrative of resilience against social and cultural oppression while striving to be understood as human beings, just like many other transgender or indigenous third identities that exist throughout the world. For the Hijra, the survival of their culture comes often from small communities or gharana that are set up with a Guru, the teacher, as well as the Nayak that is the gharana’s figurehead, living as a family with one another. However, the gharana have not been empowered enough to combat the social systems that keep the Hijra oppressed or marginalized. The fear from the “common” citizens of the Hijra creates a continued circle of refusal to accept the people. In many spaces where Hijra make their livelihood, there is public resistance to their presence and a physical harm that is often pushed onto these individuals. This fear has roots in colonial policy that still impacts the daily lives of Hijra because of the dismissal in understanding the relationship of gender within pre-colonial culture and Hinduism.

The Hijra are also significantly connected to the historical term of the Khwajasarai, third gender individuals who had a role in the Mughal Court, the center of governmental powers, during the rule of the Mughal Empire in South Asia. While the Khwajasarai were individuals with social status and political power, it was ultimately the British East India Company’s policies that enforced Western standards of gender that removed them from their societal role. Much like the Guru or Nayak of a gharana, the Khwajasarai served as holders of “knowledge traditions of teacher-disciple lineages, practices of kinship-making and elite codes of masculinity”.[2] In early attempts to police the Khwajasarai, British officials used religious laws to assert themselves into the territories power structures, but in doing so, they indirectly invalidated the conceptions of sexual practices and kinship that the Khwajasarai held power in.[3] Ultimately, the British were able to assert the control that they wanted over the region using British standards of gender and instituted policing and regulations on homosexual activities, Khwajasarai and other non-Western standards of presentation and identity. The history of discrimination towards individuals who stretch beyond the binary lens of gender and sexuality is drastic in South Asia; it is still ongoing in ways that legal policy of reparations cannot disrupt. This paper will argue that the history of discrimination towards the Indigenous gender identities of South Asia run so deep that despite efforts to support the agency of Hijra and other individuals, there is more of a need for a cultural shift in attitude towards the Hijra overall. With this understanding of gender dynamics, many Hijra have understood this as a call to action and at times have alienated other Hijra in rural areas, who are non-Hindu, and belong to a lower social class or caste.

Throughout the West and many other parts of the world, there is a common misconception that third gender identities or transgender people are a recent phenomenon, but it could not be further from the truth. In this paper, the word Hijra, Indigenous gender identities, third-gender identity will be used instead of euro-centric terminology such as trans, transgender, or eunuch, unless a specific individual has associated themselves with it. As Vaibhav Saria, author of Hijras, Lovers, Brothers: Surviving Sex and Poverty in Rural Identity and professor of anthropology, explores the idea that “Hijras, with their long-documented history, are not a local or cultural instantiation of the global category of trans… Hijras were referred to as “eunuchs” in much of colonial discourse and in English language dailies until quite recently”.[4] As time progresses, the West learns to adapt and accept the terminology that best describes and translates the power of the identity of the Hijra, but using words such as eunuch and transgender continue to fail to embrace the diverse group that identifies with the term. From Hindus to Muslims and many more cultural or religious groups within India, the Hijra have a shared and complex history that must not be ignored. When simplifying Hijra to be “transgender”, the West continues to assert that their language and cultural understanding of gender is superior.

Unlike how Western culture has defined gender identity as a sole relation to one’s gender presentation and given strict roles to conform with, the Hijra have a more complex relationship with society, religion, socio-economic status, living situations and more. The West simplifies gender into a binary that has influenced the Global South and other countries that were colonized which creates a struggle for Indigenous people that fall into a “third gender” to be respected even if they have deep roots within their communities. Numerous Indigenous gender identities, such as the Hijra, are defining for themselves how their expression should be perceived. For many Hijra, they understand it to be a culture: “a tradition and a community that has its roots in ancient times” and those who see themselves as transgender understand it to be “more like an identity. We see ourselves as transgender. There is no pressure from the community. We’re free to do what we want. But if we want to be hijras, there are rules restricting our actions.”[5] There are significant repercussions with the association to the Hijras that is not carried through people who align themselves with the trans community, therefore, these groups are different. The Hijra have found a way of life and form gharana to survive which is not a culture that exists within trans communities. The Hijra are ostracized and limited to how much they are able to do, being forced to beg for support in the streets, more subject to being attacked and having no intervention or protection. Because of the harm that is conducted towards the Hijra, it is essential to learn about their practices, community structures, and gain a basic understanding of their livelihood. In effect, the understanding of how individuals identify can assert agency towards a group that is still oppressed within Indian society.

A main critique from the Hijra community about misconceptions is the inability for some to recognize the difference between the Hijra and trans identity. Saria describes “Using the word ‘transgender’ is a way to avoid using the word ‘hijra,’ since the word has been and continues to be used disparagingly by some people; it is a way of respect, as seen in the text of Indian legal and parliamentary documents.”[6] By not using the word and specific identity, many disempower this marginalized community. As individuals in the West, it is essential that usage of language by a specific community is asserted into academic scholarship and common language when discussing issues that affect a certain population. While many legal documents in India fail to establish a difference between the Hijra and transgender people, it is the job of all those who wish to advance Hijra rights to practice asserting agency to this community by using the correct terminology.

While terminology is often misunderstood in transition, it still remains the job of Western audiences to remain vigilant to the Hijra. For the Hijra, they have connected their spiritual existence for thousands of years in relation to Hinduism. Many connect to Ardhanarishvara, a deity that presents both masculine and feminine through god, Shiva, and goddess, Parvati. In Hindu mythology, there is a specific reference towards a third body that does not fit in the binary of female or male that is further supported by the existence of Ardhanarishvara: the symbolic understanding that femininity and masculinity are interconnected forces.[7] In the present day, the Hijra are still highly connected to the spiritual aspect of their identity and understand how others perceive them as people who can both bless and curse because of their connection to Ardhanarishvara.

While the Hijra continue to re-empower themselves in society through the gharana, there are other dynamics that make the community of the Hijra complex and beyond the comprehension of Westerners if only looked through a particular lens. Because the Hijra associate themselves highly with Hinduism, there has been a stretch to rename themselves as the “Kinnar”. Saria addresses that this particular project of renaming the Hijra by using Kinnar is more often found in urban centers where access to privilege is more common. However, many activists believe that “it could possibly be an alibi to absorb hijras within ascendant right-wing Hindu nationalism”.[8] There is a threat of Hindu nationalism which attempts to nationalize Hinduism and justify oppression for individuals who are not Hindu, most notably, Muslims. This directly harms all Hijra as well as non-Hindu Hijra is significant and heavily impacts liberatory practices that can be conducted towards all trans and third gender identities throughout India. The small population that benefits from a close proximity to Hindu nationalism does not make up for the exclusionary practices of other marginalized people within Indian society or contribute to lessening the societal fear of the Hijra.

            Besides South Asia, especially in present day-North India and Pakistan where the Hijra predominantly live, there are numerous indigenous gender identities that are often erased or excluded from the welfare of the present-day government and institutions. While these individuals served as community builders or held positions to help care for children, because of the influence from European colonizers that asserted their two gender binary traditions, many of these communities are shamed. Despite those forms of oppression and marginalization being current to these groups, it is important for a Western audience to understand that many of these individuals, across the world, still hold positions of power in their society. Even with their positions of power, many are often disenfranchised by political institutions and society even though they have existed as identities for hundreds or thousands of years.

            Within present-day Mexico, an Indigenous third gender identity, Muxe, has existed for centuries within the culture of Zapotec people prior to the pre-Columbian era and colonialism. In regions around the Zapotec people, there were many gods that were both women and men explaining the diversity in gender conceptualization.[9] As an identity, these individuals are Mexican Indigenous male-bodied, differently gendered people that do not fit into Western standards of the binary. The Muxe continue to maintain traditions of the Zapotec from the language, dress, and other elements of culture that are no longer practiced but do not serve as religious representations of Meso-American gods or higher powers like the Hijra do in India. Originally, the Muxe worked to preserve culture by completing traditional feminine tasks such as embroidery or craftsmanship and today, they continue that legacy by maintaining community. 

            The Muxe and third gender individuals in South Asia have a parallel history because of colonization. Prior to the arrival of Spanish, French or British gender influences, third gender individuals had a significant role in their communities and gender was not viewed in a binary way where only male or female was acceptable. However, because of this long history of colonization and the establishment of gender binaries into South Asia and present-day Mexico, there is a societal push to exclude and discriminate against individuals who have previously been considered sacred.

The study of third gender identifying individuals across time and cultures has drastically differed depending on the political nature of the time period. The focus on each dynamic of queer or third gender identity ranges depending on new media developed, more civil rights protections being established, and the activism of local communities for recognition. Historians such as Ruby Lal and Emma Kalb tell the story of Mughal Authority and how that impacted third gender individuals. Kalb illustrates how the Khwajasarai were placed on different levels of hierarchy within the Mughal Courts; some had specific access and privileges that were not given to other third gender individuals unless earned. Lal focused more on how different Emperors, such as Akbar, discussed or valued the Khwajasarai and explicitly mentions how they were enslaved individuals, taken from their families at a young age. While some of these individuals were able to achieve high status in the court, they were not able to choose their identity and served the Court by its immediate needs.

Queering India: Same Sex Love and Eroticism in Indian Culture and Society by Ruth Vanita as one of the first major examinations of queer culture in Indian society throughout the last two centuries. The monograph was published in 2002 and specifically, Vanita was inspired to write the book based on discussions raised by the film Fire by Deepa Mehta. The author’s thesis is focused on how colonialists and nationalists focused on and continue to target old traditions and completing the process of “rewriting” the traditions, trying to create uniform traditions and simplify history. The context of this book is powerful as it came to be published soon after the rise of feminist, dalit, queer history and cultural studies in India in the 1990s. Despite being written early in the contributions to Indian Queer Studies and History, Vanita explored the idea of Hijras using Hinduism to explain identity but is unable to connect Hindu Nationalism, which was briefly mentioned in the chapter, to the evolution of Hijra rights.

            While the early discussion of Section 377 in historical research did not focus on the impact the policy had on Hijra, Jessica Hinchy’s research changed the focus towards addressing the restrictions and policing of Hijra during colonial India. Hinchy also furthered research on the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 which explicitly mentions “eunuchs” which was the term that the British used to describe the people known as Khwajasarais in some regions of India.

            Two of Hinchy’s first major articles were published in 2014 which was the same year as National Legal Services Authority v Union of India (NALSA). The NALSA made the decision that granted Hijras recognition as a third sex as well as the right to choose their gender classification. Additionally, it sought to grant Hijra access to affirmative action policies since it recognized them as a group that was historically discriminated against. The historical context of Hinchy’s articles are relevant because it led to a significant shift in the study of queer culture in India, one that focused solely on same-sex relations to a more holistic view of queerness including people who identify as Hijra or transgender.

Vaibhav Saria studies third gender individuals in South Asia in the present through an anthropological lens. Their work explored how Hijra communities have formed and continue to face different challenges based on their location and economic status. Saria’s research is a dedication to telling the stories of Hijra through an ethnographic lens in a time period where Hijra are marginalized by society and their lives are highly impacted by identity, kinship, and economic value.

As the historiography of Third Gender individuals in South Asia continues, I hope to expand on the modern day consequences of the disenfranchisement: the oversimplification of gender identity that created the Hijra label, the alliance between Hijras and Hindu nationalists, and the continued push to assert “transgender” rights over same-sex marriage and relationships in India. While some of the historical works have focused on a post-colonial movement against Section 377 and the Criminal Tribes act 1871, they lack an analysis on how the 21st Century reactionary Hijra pair themselves with religious nationalists and those on the far-right that alienate same-sex attracted individuals. Many of these pieces of scholarship discussed trans and gay individuals as separate communities which has manifested into the politics of Indian society rather than sharing a similar history and a continuing narrative of betrayal despite allyship between all queer people across the globe. Additionally, research beyond Northern India and Pakistan must be done to tell a more diverse story of how these identities originally were disenfranchised.

During the Mughal period, there were structures that allowed local princes and royalty to assert power in the 16th to the 19th Century; one of these structures was known as the Mughal Court that was a form of rules and laws. In the Mughal Court, there were significant expressions of hierarchy and control that were asserted through royalty in the palace. In these spaces, eunuchs “served as another element in this formation of space, as embodied boundaries and mediators”.[10] There were individuals who served roles to ensure safety and security of the leader, meaning that private spaces within the harem or sleeping quarters must have been kept. Despite this, eunuchs of different privileges and levels within the hierarchy had powers to enter these spaces.

Before they were able to attend to these responsibilities and tasks, young Khwajasarai needed to prove that they were ready to assume adult responsibilities. Unlike other youth in society who could access more responsibilities through the process of puberty, “that competence in adab [Islamic values of proper manners and conduct] was a significant marker of adult-hood may have broader relevance, particularly for male Islamic childhoods.”[11] This would cite how differently treated third gender individuals were even if they had status in the court because they were forced to follow good manners and proper conduct with standards above their peers. Additionally, this led to “acculturation and kinship-making were broadly speaking part of the experiences of slave children in early-modern and modern South Asia” where “forming cultural and interpersonal links appears to have been an important way in which child slaves coped with their enslavement and deracination.”[12] The young Khwajasarai were held to higher standards and taken from their homes at young ages to serve the court; community within the court by third gender individuals was needed for survival and assimilation where they formed new cultural ties and personal relationships. 

            Within the Mughal Court, there were different positions for the Khwajasarai. The third gender people served the Court but also participated in the harems, “a sacred area around a shrine; a place where the holy power manifests itself”.[13] There were some “personal attendants (khawāsān) and palace eunuchs (mahallīyān)” that would be “present behind the emperor” along “with the nāzir (eunuch superintendent of the household) also flanking the emperor on stage left… the master of the ceremonies (mīr tūzuk) stands in front of the emperor, behind the most powerful Mughal state officials such as the wazīr al-mamālik, with mace-bearers (gurz-bardārs)”.[14] While these individuals did not hold the highest position within the courts, the significance of their inclusion behind the emperor shows the power structures that had been established to demonstrate their significance. Additionally, there were some eunuchs that have been shown throughout historical preservations such as the narration of Mahābat Khān’s coup that demonstrate how these individuals were “stationed in proximate positions close to the emperor and around the more restricted parts of the palace.”[15] The freedom of movement with little restriction is an important note for any person who exists throughout time and the ability for the Khwajasarai to have agency is notable to their own power and significance in each court. Even with unequal power dynamics because of a social hierarchy that was built, eunuchs were still able to exist in close proximity to individuals of higher stance and had the possibility to move up the power structure into nobility. Often their stories are recorded in archival highlights another display that these individuals held strict importance, even while it ranged, within society.[16]

            The duties of the Khwajasarai would change based on the Court context because there were no fixed tasks placed on individuals or strict caste divisions for these tasks, but certain privileges could be denied to others based on status within the Court. Some examples of this blend of power include the fact that “a water carrier could (and did) write a memoir, a foster nurse could serve as a diplomat and a swordsman could be a storyteller, however strict the codes of conduct that they were expected to follow.”[17] Agency and movement based on proximity to the emperor did not limit your duties because anything could be significant in service to the Court.

            The Khwajasarai had a close proximity to the emperor through their ritual practices. In formal public spaces and the inner areas of the palace, they still were able to take up space. Depending on the position of the Khwajasarai, they served “on practical functions, such as holding fans, passing on petitions, or standing guard” that were essential to the success of the hierarchy.[18] For some functions of the court, Khwajasarai were able to “achieve positions of intimacy, knowledge, and influence with the emperor and members of the royal family” and throughout time, there have been numerous eunuchs of high status that could be a part of close encounters with the royal family. Depending on the emperor, the prominence of the Khawajasarai changed, however, one thing stayed consistent: the gesture to forbid castration of young boys. However, “ ‘all Mughal emperors from Akbar down to Awrangzeb… no one had previously issued an injunction against a practice that had enslaved young boys and turned them into eunuchs without their consent”.[19] This reasserts how third gender individuals were enslaved and seen as necessities to the functionality of the Court.

Despite their differences in gender presentation or the status of being an eunuch, there were a range of opportunities while also still having low-ranked eunuchs that “could become entangled in moments of political conflict, intrafamilial and otherwise, a situation that provided greater opportunities but also heightened risk”.[20] There would also be women and non-eunuch males serving in similar positions throughout the palace, but significantly, the Khwajasarai were not excluded from practices that were held by those other than male or female. With the exclusion of Khwajasarai in the history of India and the Mughal Court, a significant part of the diversity of gender and status can be erased.

            With colonist intervention, the historical significance and positions of the Khwajasarai within society were erased in the British colonial period. By being a third gender identity, the Khwajasarai caused significant moral panic to the British colonizers but have also been left out of the exploration of Indigenous gender identities throughout history. Hinchy made it clear that “the majority of archive life histories were recorded as accounts of ‘eunuchs’, not ‘Hijras’. It is sometimes difficult to distinguish those ‘eunuchs’ who identified as Hijras from those who found themselves categorised as ‘eunuchs’ because they crossdressed in theatrical or ritual contexts, or because their everyday gender expression was non-binary”.[21] Any usage of the term Hijra that provides quotes or evidence from Hinchy’s monograph, Governing Gender, will be italicized as her politic and understanding of third gender identity had changed between her monograph and prior works. The italicization represents how Indigenous terminology was stripped during the colonial period but Hijra was a term that can not fully represent all individuals who were discriminated against in regards to their sexual or gender presentation. Hinchy illustrated how the “British East India Company’s interventionist policies towards Indian-ruled principalities intensified, setting the stage for Awadhi khwajasarais to become embroiled in the sexual politics of imperial expansion.”[22] The Khwajasarais were seen as a threat to colonial rule because of their knowledge, traditions and practices of kinship-making and community building; they could easily resist the policing that was provided by colonial power.

To continue to assert control over the region and to force individuals to conform to Western standards, there were high levels of policing. Laws such as the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 and Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code targeted the Khwajasarai disproportionality. During the period of policing, “colonial law marginalised diverse domestic and kinship forms that offended Victorian sensibilities”.[23] The Indian Penal Code was a part of legislation that was drafted in the 1830s by Thomas Babington Macaulay but was not enacted until the 1860s; the Code was inspired by English laws and the British’s need to codify their own standards across their colonial territories. Section 377 of the Code, part of Chapter XVI that related to punishment of Sexual Offences including rape and Sodomy. The extent of “the imprisonment (for life, or alternative up to ten years) of ‘[w]hoever voluntarily has carnal intercourse against the order of nature with any man, woman, or animal and specified that penetration was ‘sufficient’ to constitute ‘carnal intercourse’”.[24] Because the author focuses on the policing of the performances, she stressed the importance of the Badhai, Hijra’s traditional performance, as an event that is held during weddings or childbirth. The moral panic that came from the British colonial officers and British masculinity was pushed on Hijra.

Hijra were targeted between 1850 to 1900 while sexuality was being regulated by Section 377. Hinchy described the significance of the term Hijra in modern day Pakistan and Northern India, placing the Hijra in a particular region rather than creating the idea that third gender people in South Asia all identified the same way. Instead of a gender overview of the Hijra, Hinchy provided information on how “the North-Western Province (NWP) government, the contested representations of Hijras in official archives, were a troubling hurdle to suppressing the community and demonstrated the failure of colonial intelligence collection”.[25] The colonial government failed to execute many of their actions towards prosecution because of their lack of understanding of Hijras.

The major shift in the attitudes towards penetration and the development of Section 377’s power from different court cases throughout the 19th Century. Section 377 was defined by courts to prosecute individuals and the process of defining what penetration was. Ultimately, a “judge in the Brother Anthony case also concluded without adducing any reasons, that of the sexual perversions he had originally listed, only sodomy, buggery, and beastiality would ‘fall into the sweep’ of Section 377.”[26] Vanita described how the British were able to assert their power through their own gender and sexual expectations but were able to figure out more about Indian affairs to these issues through British men keeping mistresses. One of the first strategies that they worked on was dividing Hindu and Muslim religious customs and standards but ultimately, judges decided on a standard definition for what the Section criminalize. Vanitas’ work that explored third gender individuals focused more on the cultural presence of “transvestites” in theatre. An emphasis is placed on how Hijras re-invented the culture of theatre but were ultimately held back due to that taboo placed upon them because of their connection to women and womanhood. The author did choose to focus on how Hijras used Hindu myth to create aspects of their womanhood; early in their prosecution, Hijras were using justifications for their existence such as their morality due to the connections to Hinduism.[27]

            For the British colonizers, it made logical sense to find a way to oppress the non-confirming individuals to better enable all conformity throughout India but they first had to identify who they were and how they did not fit into society. For a thirty year time frame from the early 1870s to the beginning of the 20th Century, “Hijras seen as pimp, dancer, bard, performer, indefinite and non-productive/miscellaneous and disreputable.”[28] Western standards of productivity and value in society were vastly different from Indian perception. The Khwajasarai and other Indigenous third gender identifying individuals existed within India for centuries, creating a clash of culture and values.

This legislation addressed “Unnatural offenses” which were used as a direct target on Khwajasarai as they did not fit British standards for gender presentation and was an active threat to patrilineal order that colonial law wished to instill throughout India. As this legislation was being revised, the presence of Hijras were becoming more relevant to colonial rule, especially throughout the 1850s, as they were represented as the symbol of Indian sexual perversity. By the time that this Code was officially placed into law, Hijras were seen as a danger to children and therefore, a greater threat to society.

While Hinchy supported the Khwajasarais’ original power structures, an examination of the transfer of power was also made. With the influence of colonial government, the “definitions of the family and notions of sexual respectability narrowed greatly” and “evangelical ideology produced new middle-class definitions of the ‘private’ sphere of the household as a domestic and feminine domain, demarcated from the masculine ‘public’ sphere.”[29] Hinchy examined how class and perceptions of gender identity changed rapidly due to new government structure under British rule.

            Similarly, The Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 was further legislation that helped to criminalize Hijra in Indian society. It sought to criminalize the Hijra as kidnappers, castrators, and sodomites which were already punished through the IPC.[30] The CTA allowed for the prevention of physical reproduction from Hijra, forced cultural elimination, removed children from Hijra care, further criminalized actions that Hijra sought to create a means of livelihood, and created interference with Hijra succession practices. Overall, the Hijra found their identities as well as domestic arrangements policed by the CTA. Police officials were allowed increased surveillance powers that allowed them to control the public presence of Hijra as well as conduct investigations onto “registered people’s” [people who were suspected to be eunuchs or similar classifications] households, removing children from their care by force.[31] Despite the various lives that Hijra lived, their gender presentation, domestic arrangements, and entire livelihoods were policed by the colonial government. Another form of control of colonial oppression to the Hijra was prevention of physical reproduction, interference in Hijra discipleship or succession practices, removal of children and complete cultural elimination.[32] The colonial government attempted to deal with the “issue” of the Hijraby ensuring there were no generational communities that could support rebuilding or maintaining their culture. The British viewed Hijrasas “figures of failed masculinity” that dressed as women and believed that Hijra needed to be eliminated from society to protect the image of proper masculinity according to Western standards.[33]

Hinchy discusses that sexuality and gender identity were unevenly disciplined on a local level.[34] This examination of how colonial law was drastically different based on location in colonial India was newer in the research of transgender identities. By explaining the complex relationship with law and policing, Hinchy described the agency the Hijras had to resist discrimination and described how they used strategies to negotiate and used gaps in control to evade punishment.[35] The turn towards providing agency and highlighting resistance is powerful for this time period where transgender individuals are asserting their own agency in the modern day.

Overall, this specific article makes a lot of commentary about how the lack of enforcement of policy allowed the community to perform and cross dress without policing or made decisions to move to Indian-ruled states to continue their practices, being strategic about their political borders to maintain identity.[36] For the first attempt to move to assert agency towards queer individuals in colonial India, the author used the original terminology of the Hijras to restate political power to that label that had been stripped from that marginalized group in the 19th Century.

            After decades of cultural erasure and violence towards the Indian population, South Asia became liberated from the colonial presence in 1947 after the end of World War II through the Indian Independence Act. A main part of the liberation movement was a commitment to anti-colonial nationalism by the newly established Indian government and to implement international pressure on Britain to decolonize after WWII. The anti-colonial movement focused on reclaiming or assembling parts of Indian culture that had been erased because of Western standards. Embedded into the Indian Constitution which was created in 1949, secularism was enshrined because the Indian National Congress, a political group that had led parts of the liberation movement favored an India that would maintain religious diversity. However, other political interests such as Hindu Nationalists were frustrated, wanting to create a country that would strictly follow Hinduism and reclaim the territory for people who followed the religion and exclude Muslim Indians. Despite the conflict that built in India over religious rights, new leaders of the Indian government quickly overturned some elements of harm that had been done to the region under British rule. The Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 was one of the major laws examined and was repealed the same year that the Indian Constitution was created in 1949. Even though TCA was overturned, Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code that created anti-Sodomy laws, targeting homosexuals was not removed. Some progress was made for third gender individuals but not homosexuals.

            While the Indian National Congress remained in power for five decades after initial liberation of India, the late 20th Century saw a rise of neo-liberalism and Hindu nationalism in India. Neo-liberalism not only opened up the Indian economy to foreign capital and privatization but created economic deregulation and led to rising wealth inequality in India during the 1990s.

Hindu Nationalism took advantage of the rise of neoliberalism that took attention from class conflict which divided working-class people and led to a major deflection of class-driven anxieties onto minority communities. The influence of Hindu nationalism would continue to strengthen within Indian electoral politics in the 2000s.

            As a country within the Global South, India continued to see the effects of colonialism in the 2000s. Elements of right-wing populism emerged in India focused against cultural globalization despite the onslaught of Western culture on India and Hinduism. Through the 2014 and 2019 elections, the BJP won the largest majority asserting Shri Narendra Modi into the role of Prime Minister. Alongside these changes the 21st century has seen various attempts to legalize a recognition for a third gender classification, but more specifically, to recognize the Hijra. In 2014, there was a dramatic shift in the legal recognition despite previous rulings that had supported the anti-sodomy laws created in the 19th century that discriminated against homosexuals and targeted the Khwajasarai. The UK Constitutional Law Association published commentary in reaction to the ruling of National Legal Services Authority v Union of India (NALSA). This decision from 2014 declared that Hijras must be legally treated as a third gender classification group. The commentary stresses how the decision is a direct contrast to previous decisions even a year prior that ruled sodomy, which the Hijras have historically been associated with, as criminal action.[37] The new protections granted to Hijras include recognition as the third sex, right to choose their presentation/classification, and are now granted affirmative action privileges for being a group historically discriminated against. PM Modi, who would express intent on protecting transgender individuals throughout his time in power, assumed office in May of 2014, a month after the publication of this review of the decision and the decision itself.

            A few years following the establishment of the legal gender classification, the Indian Supreme Court Overturned Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code. One of the organizations that commented on this historical ruling was The Human Right’s Campaign also known as THC. THC is an international organization that has its origins in Washington D.C. and was founded in the 1980s. Throughout its expansion, the Western organization has taken interest in ensuring universal protections for LGBTQ+ identities across the world. After the decision that overturned Section 377 of the IPC, before official removal from the IPC from law in 2024, the organization celebrated this historical win in 2018. HRC Global Director Ty Cobb acknowledged the historical win by congratulating “the LGBTQ advocates who worked tirelessly for decades to achieve this tremendous victory. We hope this decision in the world’s largest democracy and second most populous country will set an example and galvanize efforts to overturn similar outdated and degrading laws that remain in 71 other countries.”[38] For the Western audience who has little knowledge of the historical legacies of colonial Britain’s enforcement of anti-Sodomy laws, the announcement by the HRC does not outline how important yet complex this accomplishment is, allowing for Westerners to believe that progress has been completed. The commentary notes that the IPC is a result of colonial rule enforced in 1860 and emphasized its criminalization of adults of the same sex but not the historical usage to disempower third gender identities. The organization includes that it was PM Modi’s decision to allow the Supreme Court to make this decision and chose not to directly associate his government with the case.[39] An Indian member of the HRC staff, who worked to support the case’s argument, was quoted in the article addressing the affirmation of the right to one’s body and the right to love but the language is vague towards the audience, not claiming to be a clear protection for transgender people.

            Despite efforts to receive certain status for recognition, there is still a lot of conflict within the Hijra community. Because there are different ways to contribute to the economy and receive payment, many Hijra argue over the “better” way to interact with the public and that begging should be considered shameful. Some Hijra go as far as to consider that Hijra who “beg on trains [are not real Hijra]. They have no honor and are just gandus’” because they belong “to these old, respected, established hijra households with large numbers of celas and nati-celas, whose right to take money at weddings and child births were undisputed, even protected by the police”.[40] Even with the difference of opinions on how to receive payment, Hijra who ask for money on trains provide a transaction through blessings and “work very hard to earn their money… Getting ready entailed bathing, putting on makeup, wearing clean, gaudy saris, and hiding large pins”.[41] There is a sacrifice for Hijra who put themselves in harm’s way for these transactions and labor is performed through negotiations beyond the daily efforts to get ready and wear proper attire for the day.

            As legal recognition has expanded, it can be noted that a tactic for Hijra’s to be accepted into Indian society is through collaboration with the Bharatiya Janata Party. The BJP is a political party that currently controls the Indian government and is one of the major political parties.In 2019, the BJP released a manifesto that explained their political agenda for the next several years if elected. The BJP had been in national political power since 2014 after not having won the position of Prime Minister for their party since 1999. The Prime Minister until 2019 had made vague statements of his support for the Hijra or transgender community, but in this manifesto, the party makes a clear stance in protecting the security of the “transgender community”. The manifesto’s section header is entitled “Empowering Transgenders” is a strong commitment to maintaining and re-asserting power dynamics that third gender identities in India had previously had. One promise embedded in the BJP’s policy is a commitment “to bring[ing] transgenders to the mainstream through adequate socio-economic and policy initiatives.”[42] Despite being a far-right, religious nationalist party, it has prioritized the protections of an universally marginalized identity across the world.

The act, The Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act of 2019, is defined as “an Act to provide for protection of rights of transgender persons and their welfare and for matters connected therewith and incidental thereto.”[43] The protections granted in the legislation extend to the entire country of India and need to be enforced by the central government. The main protections address non-discriminatory access to education, employment, healthcare services, the right to property, and stop denying transgender people from being denied public office. Transgender people can also have formal recognition of their identity as a transgender person and the legislation lays out the application for recognition. This legislation was passed in 2019, the same year as the re-election of the BJP and PM Modi’s solidification of power for another five years. Earlier that year, they had released their manifesto that had addressed making transgender people “more mainstream” and this protection act is a commitment to their protections of that community. The amount of individuals that have benefited directly from this legislation continues to be examined, but the limitation of progress can be noted by the unwillingness to use words native to the South Asian continent.

However, there still remains push back from a diverse range of voices that believe that using Western terms, instead of Indigenous ones like Hijra, limit the amount of progress that can be made. Individuals of high caste privilege such as Laxmi Narayan Tripathi, believe that supporting Hindutva and justifying the caste system guarantees her safety as a third gender individual. In advancing her own political agenda to support third gender rights, she has actively excluded many from the narrative and continued the oppression of other marginalized groups within India. She has joined Hindutva politics to argue that the Temple of Ram, needed to be rebuilt after its destruction by the Mughal Empire despite the direct marginalization it has put on the Muslim minority within India’s borders. Others, usually from marginalized castes or religious backgrounds, believe that there is more to the fight for equal rights than what Tripathi has proposed. There are other ways to assert rights for Hijra and third gender individuals than sympathizing with an oppressive government that does not listen to the specific and diverse struggles amongst non-men and women.

            Beyond the Hijra and other third gender identities throughout South Asia, there are hundreds of Indigenous cultures that centered non-male or female individuals in their communities throughout history and the present. As educators of culture, religion, and World History, social studies teachers have a duty to discuss the diversity of gender presentation and why certain individuals are discriminated against in their modern societies. No matter their race, transgender and third gender individuals deserve opportunities to see themselves throughout history. Often, rhetoric is used to insinuate that trans and gay people are “new” and have not existed for centuries but teaching third gender individuals across cultures, continents, and races can fulfill the mission of getting rid of a Euro-centric curriculum. With a significant increase of Asian American, specifically South Asian Americans, in the United States, a curriculum that increases visibility into Asian culture and life is essential. Supporting students who are immigrants or first generation students from South Asia starts with making their cultures visible in the classroom and remains even more true for students with multiple identities that are marginalized such as being trans.

A social studies classroom can choose to reflect on this country’s contribution to colonizing nations in the Global South and address how the country founded on colonization with the attempt to remove, displace, and harm Indigenous populations. In the United States, trans rights are constantly being debated and movements for cisgender queer individuals to separate themselves from associations with transgender people. Anti-trans hate and legislation has spread around the United States within the last ten years, especially with the rise of Christian nationalism and the alt-right Conservatism. The ways that India and the United States have manifested various beliefs of acceptance and legal recognition for different queer groups shows the complexity of gender history. An introduction to this topic in our classrooms can help to create conversations within the diaspora but also a reflection to students of European descent, those who have to reflect on their privilege and ancestor’s role in removing acceptance for third gender individuals.

ABC News (Australia), “Gender and Sexuality in Hindu Mythology | India Now! | ABC News,”  (ABC News: 2022) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=K8ZZAD9FhTw.

Bharatiya Janata Party. “Manifesto 2019”. 2019.

British India. “The Indian Penal Code”. 1860.

Bureau, The Hindu. “Supreme Court Rejects Review of Its Same-Sex Marriage Judgment.” The Hindu, January 9, 2025. https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/same-sex-marriage-supremecourt-dismisses-petitions-seeking-review-of-october-2023judgement/article69081871.ece.

Chisholm, Jennifer. “Muxe, Two-Spirits, and the Myth of Indigenous Transgender Acceptance.”

International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 11, no. 1 (2018): 21-35. doi: https://doi.org/10.5204/ijcis.v11i1.558.  

https://login.tcnj.idm.oclc.org/login?url=https://www.proquest.com/scholarly-journals/muxe-two-spirits-myth-indigenous-transgender/docview/2917322843/se-2

Hinchy, Jessica. 2015. “Enslaved Childhoods in Eighteenth-Century Awadh.” South Asian History and Culture 6 (3): 380–400. doi:10.1080/19472498.2015.1030874

Hinchy, Jessica. 2019. Governing Gender and Sexuality in Colonial India : The Hijra, c.1850-1900. Cambridge University Press.

Hinchy, Jessica. “Obscenity, Moral Contagion and Masculinity: Hijras in Public Space in Colonial North India.” Asian Studies Review 38, no. 2 (2014): 274–94. https://doi.org/10.1080/10357823.2014.901298.

Hinchy, Jessica. “The Sexual Politics of Imperial Expansion: Eunuchs and Indirect Colonial Rule in Mid-Nineteenth-Century North India.” Gender & History 26, no. 3 (2014): 414–37. https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-0424.12082.

Höfert, Almut, Matthew M. Mesley, and Serena Tolino, eds. Celibate and Childless Men in Power : Ruling Eunuchs and Bishops in the Pre-Modern World. Abingdon, Oxon ; Routledge, an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, 2018.

Journeyman Pictures, “Demigods: Inside India’s Transgender Community.” (2019).

Kalb, Emma. “A Eunuch at the Threshold: Mediating Access and Intimacy in the Mughal World.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 33, no. 3 (2023): 747–68. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1356186322000827.

Khaitan, Tarunabh. “NALSA v Union of India: What Courts Say, What Courts Do.” UK Constitutional Law Association, (2014). https://ukconstitutionallaw.org/2014/04/24/tarunabh-khaitan-nalsa-v-union-of-india-what-courts-say-what-courts-do/

Republic of India Parliament. The Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act.

Peters, Stephen. “India Supreme Court Overturns Colonial-Era Law Criminalizing Same-Sex…”(Human Rights Campaign: 2018). https://www.hrc.org/press-releases/india-supreme-court-overturns-colonial-era-law-criminalizing-same-sex-relat.

Saria, Vaibhav. Hijras, Lovers, Brothers: Surviving Sex and Poverty in Rural India. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2023.

Vanita, Ruth, ed. Queering India : Same-Sex Love and Eroticism in Indian Culture and Society. New York ; Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2002.


[1] Journeyman Pictures, “Demigods: Inside India’s Transgender Community,” June 15, 2019, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YxL5qfbtKqg.

[2]  Jessica Hinchy. “The Sexual Politics of Imperial Expansion: Eunuchs and Indirect Colonial Rule in Mid-Nineteenth-Century North India.” (Gender & History, 2014), 416.

[3] Hinchy, “The Sexual Politics of Imperial Expansion”, 420.

[4] Saria, Hijras, Lovers, Brothers, 3.

[5] Journeyman Pictures, “Demigods: Inside India’s Transgender Community.” (2019).

[6] Vaibhav Saria. Hijras, Lovers, Brothers: Surviving Sex and Poverty in Rural India. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2023), 4.

[7] ABC News (Australia), “Gender and Sexuality in Hindu Mythology | India Now! | ABC News,” June 27, 2022, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=K8ZZAD9FhTw.

[8] Saria, Hijras, Lovers, Brothers, 4.

[9] Jennifer Chisholm. “Muxe, Two-Spirits, and the Myth of Indigenous Transgender Acceptance.” (International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies: 2018), 25.

[10] Emma Kalb. “A Eunuch at the Threshold: Mediating Access and Intimacy in the Mughal World.”, (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 33: 2023), 752.

[11] Jessica Hinchy.  “Enslaved Childhoods in Eighteenth-Century Awadh.” (South Asian History and Culture: 2015), 393.

[12] Hinchy. “Enslaved Childhoods in Eighteenth-Century Awadh”, 394.

[13] Almut Höfert, Matthew M. Mesley, and Serena Tolino, eds. Celibate and Childless Men in Power : Ruling Eunuchs and Bishops in the Pre-Modern World. (Abingdon, Oxon: 2018), 96.

[14] Kalb. “A Eunuch at the Threshold”, 756.

[15] Kalb. “A Eunuch at the Threshold”, 755.

[16] Kalb. “A Eunuch at the Threshold”, 753.

[17] Höfert, Almut eds. Celibate and Childless Men in Power, 100.

[18] Kalb. “A Eunuch at the Threshold”, 756.

[19] Höfert, Almut eds. Celibate and Childless Men in Power, 103.

[20] Kalb. “A Eunuch at the Threshold”, 768.

[21] Hinchy, Governing Gender and Sexuality in Colonial India, 143.

[22] Jessica Hinchy. “The Sexual Politics of Imperial Expansion: Eunuchs and Indirect Colonial Rule in Mid-Nineteenth-Century North India.” (Gender & History, 2014), 414.

[23] Hinchy, “The Sexual Politics of Imperial Expansion”, 420.

[24] Hinchy, Governing Gender and Sexuality in Colonial India, 52.

[25] Jessica Hinchy. Governing Gender and Sexuality in Colonial India : The Hijra, c.1850-1900. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019), 119.

[26] Ruth Vanita ed., Queering India : Same-Sex Love and Eroticism in Indian Culture and Society (New York: Routledge, 2002), 22.

[27] Vanita, Queering India, 171.

[28] Hinchy, Governing Gender and Sexuality in Colonial India, 41.

[29] Hinchy, “The Sexual Politics of Imperial Expansion”, 420.

[30] Hinchy, Governing Gender and Sexuality in Colonial India, 107.

[31] Hinchy, Governing Gender and Sexuality in Colonial India, 2.

[32] Hinchy, Governing Gender and Sexuality in Colonial India, 93.

[33] Hinchy, “Obscenity, Moral Contagion and Masculinity”, 284.

[34] Hinchy, “Obscenity, Moral Contagion and Masculinity”, 276-277.

[35] Hinchy, “Obscenity, Moral Contagion and Masculinity”, 277.

[36] Hinchy, “Obscenity, Moral Contagion and Masculinity”, 286.

[37] Tarunabh Khaitan. “NALSA v Union of India: What Courts Say, What Courts Do.” (UK Constitutional Law Association: 2014), 2.

[38] Stephen Peters. “India Supreme Court Overturns Colonial-Era Law Criminalizing Same-Sex Relationships”, (Human Rights Campaign: 2018), 1.

[39] Peters, “India Supreme Court Overturns”, 2.

[40] Saria, Hijras, Lovers, Brothers, 109.

[41] Saria, Hijras, Lovers, Brothers, 115.

[42] Bharatiya Janata Party. “Manifesto 2019”, 36.

[43] “The Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act”, (Republic of India Parliament: 2019), 1.

The Minoans: The Forgotten Sea Empire

How can I ignite a passion for history in my students? That’s a question I found myself asking when I was teaching at Trenton Central High School while doing my first clinical experience at The College of New Jersey. Naturally, I began with looking back at my high school teachers trying to remember what they did that allowed me to not just passively learn, but to explore my interests as well. The paper that follows this introduction was my capstone paper I wrote while at TCNJ studying history. It covers a people known as the Minoans. These seafaring people of the Bronze Age are not likely to be found in any high school history textbook. However, I decided to write about the Minoans in such length because of a project I did in my English class in high school. (Yes, you read that right, my English class.)

            My English teacher at the time, Ms. Lutz, had allowed the class to do a presentation on a topic of our choosing. As a person who found English to be very boring and history much more interesting this project excited me as I was able to dive deeper into a topic I was interested in. I ended up settling on the Minoans as I had only heard their name once briefly in a video discussing Crete. Ms. Lutz’s English project allowed me to have choice in my learning all while developing my presentation making skills and teaching me how to do proper research. If the goal of your lesson is to develop student research and presentation skills then focus on that. Students will be much more willing to speak in front of the class if they are passionate about the subject. That little bit of research at the high school level might even turn into a capstone paper one day. So why is this important? How does this help me create passion for history in the classroom? Give your students some agency in what they learn. Let them tell you what they find interesting about U.S. or world history and let them explore that interest in your class. This also shows us history does not have to be confined to the history classroom instead other subjects can use history as a backdrop to explore concepts and develop new skills.

During the Bronze Age trade flourished in the Mediterranean. Few people were as well situated to capitalize on this fact then the inhabitants of the Island of Crete. The people of this island during the 3rd to 1st millennia B.C.E.E. are known to modern historians as the “Minoans”. Who were the Minoans and what did they do? The Minoans really excelled at creating high quality products. At first mastering pottery allowed them to create vessels for holding agricultural products like olive oil. When faced with a lack of valuable metals and materials like copper and tin, on the island, they were forced to turn to trade to get rarer resources. This trade centered around providing olive oil and other goods in exchange for these precious resources which could be used in the creation of desirable specialized products. This operation eventually expanded to become an intricate sea trading network that encompassed large portions of the Mediterranean and beyond. Minoan products have even been found as far as the Indus River Valley. However, material goods were not the only thing traded by the Minoans. Culture was readily exchanged as well both willingly and as a side effect of trade. Minoans managed to spread their culture while incorporating elements from foreign cultures that proved beneficial. While much information about the Minoan civilization has been lost to history, the vastness and importance of their trade empire economically and culturally can not be overstated. Many civilizations of this time like the Phoenicians, Sumerians, and the Harappans of the Indus rRiver valley tend to overshadow the Minoans but they should be seen as cultural equals to these complex societies. Their central geographic location, coupled with a need to trade for raw materials as well as fostering skilled artisans enabled the Minoans to become a Bronze Age thalassocracy with influence on many civilizations.

The Bronze Age in Crete is generally considered to have lasted from around the 3rd millennium B.C.E. to the 1st millennium B.C.E.[1] The Minoans received exposure to metallurgy and bronze making from the east. The Island of Crete is the largest in the Aegean Sea and also the furthest south. This geographical position made Crete a natural stop on the many trade routes of the Mediterranean. Crete was perfectly positioned to receive sea trading merchants from all their neighbors. Mainland Greece to the northwest, the Cyclades to the north, Anatolia to the northeast, Egypt to the southeast, Cyprus to the east, and even further east Syria. This places Crete in the middle of some of the most important civilizations of the Bronze Age. The innovations of the Bronze Age first began in the east and it is no wonder how the Minoans gained access to this knowledge. While the Minoans were influenced heavily by the cultures that they came in contact with, the Minoans developed a distinct culture of their own. This is contrary to what historians of the past once believed. Historians used to think that the Minoans were not a distinct culture but instead a more of a imitator of Anatolian, Syrian, and Egyptian customs. This can not be further from the truth; instead the Minoans created a highly advanced culture which spread its influence to the furthest reaches of the known world at the time.[2] 

Even in the 21st century when writing about Minoan cultural spread, archeologists like Cyprian Broodbank and Evangelia Kiriatzi write that the “Minoanization” of surrounding islands and the Mediterranean remain controversial.[3] Cultural spread was not the only highly contentious aspect of the Minoan civilization. An article by Chester G. Starr really exemplifies how some scholars used to feel about the Minoans having large influence in the Mediterranean or even the Aegean. Writing in 1955 Starr confidently writes off the Minoan thalassocracy stating

The Minoan thalassocracy is a myth, and an artificial one to boot. It is amazing that the patent falsity of the basic idea has never been fully analyzed, for neither logically, archaeologically, nor historically can the existence of a Cretan mastery of the seas be proved.[4]

As the history of the Minoans becomes more and more clear through archeological finds Starr’s article appears more and more outdated. While he recognizes the fact that trade between Crete and Syria as well as trade between Crete and Egypt existed, he heavily downplays the Minoan involvement in this trade. Proclaiming instead that Minoans were nothing more than intermediaries between great powers.[5] Starr even writes off Minoan control of the Aegean by saying that they would not be able to field the required number of ships.[6] The idea of Minoan colonies is also completely downplayed as nothing more than a few factories created by Minoans for native populations of those islands to gather and produce products.[7] Early and mid 20th century historians certainly did not see the Minoans to be as capable as they were.

In 1962 an article by Robert J. Buck continues to echo this sentiment. Buck writes “No matter how prosperous Crete may have been, there was simply no place in the Late Bronze Age for a Minoan thalassocracy.”[8] His reasoning is that Crete did not have the industry capable of producing enough goods for a large overseas market.[9] It was not until the 1990s that scholars began to find more evidence that Crete could have held an empire of the sea and the Minoans were their own advanced culture.[10] Today the topic is still debated and the true scale of the Minoans’ influence is not completely clear. Evidence gathered in this paper however points to the existence of a heavily influential Minoan thalassocracy.

Trade was what built this Empire and was the primary way that Minoans spread their culture. The geographic location of Crete was not the only factor that led to the Minoans creating a trade empire. The Minoans had access to plentiful land to produce agricultural products in large quantities. Grapes, olives, pears, etc. were vital to the Minoan economy and way of life. Grapes were used to produce wine and tablets found at Knossos, the Minoan capital, reference 420 grape vines in the area and tablet “GM 840” records over 14,000 liters of wine that were brought to Knossos as a product of the last harvest.[11] Olives were also fundamental to the people of Crete and the Mediterranean and were always in high demand. Olives and olive oil took a long time to spoil, were used in cooking, washing oneself, burned in lamps, and were used as body oil. Olives were enjoyed both in their pressed oil form and regularly eaten without being pressed. These many different uses for olives made it a major crop of the Minoan economy. More tablets found at Knossos document 9,000 liters of olives being produced in just the Dawos area of the Messara plain of Crete.[12] Pears were also grown and might have even been native to Crete with Minoan trade being the reason the fruit spread throughout the Mediterranean.[13] While having an abundance of agricultural products is certainly good, the Island of Crete was lacking valuable metals that were the building blocks for societies of the Bronze age. Metals like copper, tin and gold were not found readily enough to support the demand on the island and this forced the Minoans to turn to their neighbors to acquire these metals.

Copper and tin were combined to create the alloy of bronze, a vital resource of the time. The island of Cyprus to the east was a large supplier of copper to the Mediterranean and made a perfect trade partner for the Minoans. Copper ingots from Cyprus were found at the Minoan palace-temple of Zakro confirming trade between the two islands.[14] It seems connections between Cyprus and Crete date back to the early and mid-Bronze Age.[15] Minoan pottery has been found on Cyprus in important places like palaces and ingots of various metals traded to the Minoans by the Cypriots have been found on Crete.[16] Some Cypriot pottery had even been found in the port of Kommos on Crete. All of these connections show a healthy trade relationship between the two islands. It is also clear that the Minoan and Cretans developed some kind of rapport as the Cypro-Minoan script begins to appear on traded items. The Cypro-Minoan script was a shared syllabary that the two islands utilized in trade with one another.[17] While the script remains undeciphered it allows archeologists to tell when items have come from Cyprus. Lead, copper, and tin ingots have been found bearing Cypro-Minoan markings with Cypriot lead mines being identified as far as Sardinia.[18] These are the kinds of metals that Minoans would have been in heavy need of and thus this close relationship between Cyprus and the Minoans makes sense. The Minoans would have used these metals to manufacture all kinds of various products. Cypriots were getting their lead from mines in Sardinia to trade that lead to the Minoans who then used lead to create objects that were sold overseas to places in Anatolia and Egypt. This is a perfect example of how interconnected Mediterranean civilizations were in the Bronze age and is not dissimilar to trade in the modern day.

Evidence of overseas trade is easy to spot all around Crete. For example, in the city of Myrtos imported metal objects, stone vessels, and obsidian have been found. Within the city, pottery and textiles were produced which could have been exported in exchange for these goods. Myrtos, like many Minoan cities, was located near the coast and many of these cities had their own ports and had more access to the outside world than might be expected.[19] Minoans most likely constructed their cities with trade as a central tenant. This is evident by the distribution of settlements around the island. The west side of Crete is almost completely barren of settlements while the north, south, and east have plenty of large cities. When looking at this from a trade point of view it makes sense as Minoans would have been primarily trading with the Cycledies to their north, Anatolia, Cyprus, and Syria to the east, and Egypt to the south. While Minoan pottery has been found west, in places like Malta for example, Minoans seemed to be more focussed on conducting their business in the eastern Mediterranean. Ports and harbors did not only exist in large cities. Evidence of Minoan ports have been found in many coastal regions of Crete and on nearby islands like Dia and Thera.[20] Having ports scattered throughout the sea allowed Minoan sailors to have many points where they could stop and rest. It is also crucial for long range seafaring as these journeys could be very dangerous and various weather conditions could spell disaster for ships and their crew. Having ports along the way to their destination allowed ships to take stops and wait for more favorable weather and wind conditions if needed.

            Minoans traded in many different kinds of products and were not limited to their agricultural surplus of olives and wine. In fact, skilled artisans were highly valued in Minoan society and were some of the most adept in the Mediterranean. Vathypetro, a Minoan building in the Cretan countryside, gives historians a glimpse into the industries Minoans engaged in. The building is dated to 1580 B.C.E. and had a wine press, clay loom weights for weaving, an oil press, 16 storage jars, multiple potters wheels, and a farm on the property.[21] Rodney Castleden, author of Minoans:Life in Bronze Age Crete suggests that it could have been a summer residence for the king, wealthy landowner or just as likely a communal industrial and agricultural center where Minoan artisans and farmers in the area could work. It is clear that Minoan goods were highly valued as they have been found all over the Mediterranean and beyond. Other cultures also show clear inspiration taken from Minoan frescoes and pottery showing the scale of Minoan influence. The largest potency of this influence is seen in Minoan colonies and close neighbors like the Mycenaeans. However, very proud and ancient civilizations like Egypt have shown to have respected the Minoans to a certain degree and had interest in their art and products.

            At some point Minoans began to make changes to their social structure to prioritize artisans and the manufacturer of luxury goods. This can be seen in the Minoan palace-temples. In Minoan society towns littered the countryside but in large cities there were often massive palace-temples where the elite and priests would live and in the case of Knossos a king or some kind of central authority. The main temples were located in Knossos, Kydonia, Phaistos, Zakro, and Mallia.[22]

Archaeologists have been able to discover that at some point before 1700 B.C.E. Minoan craftsmen and artisans concentrated within these temples. It seems that artisans were gathered to collectively work as full time specialists paid by the state. This proximity to other skilled specialists allowed them to share ideas and learn from each other creating ambitious works for domestic use and for transportation overseas.[23] At Phaistos within the store rooms some pithoi made by these craftsmen survived to this day.[24] Castleden describes the work made by these specialists as reaching “levels of technical skill and artistry so high that some of their works rank among the finest ever produced in Europe.”[25] It is no wonder why Minoan products were sought out all through the Mediterranean and beyond. By focusing their talents together and producing artwork that surpassed anything that their competitors were producing they found a lucrative market in luxury goods.

            With the palace-temples being the concentrated point for artisans they also became trade hubs as a consequence of both having the skilled workforce needed to use these raw materials and being the center of bureaucracy in the region. Imported materials found include silver, tin, copper, ivory, gold, lapis lazuli, ostrich eggs and plumes, exotic stones, and more.[26] These materials were then worked on by specialists at the temples where the finished products were sold both to local markets and taken by seafaring traders to foreign markets. Having the temples act as the center of industry, trade, faith, and bureaucracy as well as having five of these temples spread around the island created an efficient and administratively run government. Some early theories about the Minoan government suggested that these temples were seats of different city-states like those of mainland Greece. However, consensus now is that each temple had a local bureaucracy that controlled a portion of the island, but in the end they were all subservient to the main seat of power in Knossos. Keeping a well run and organized government is vital for sustaining a far-reaching trade empire with connections around the world and it appears the Minoans recognized this. It is very possible that Minoans understood how to organize themselves into a more centralized state by looking at the Egyptians.

            As the Minoans were looking towards the Egyptians for inspiration other less developed peoples were looking at the Minoans as an example of a developed culture. By looking at the ruins of a palace at the ancient site of Tel Kabri, located in modern day Israel, archeologists have noticed shocking similarities between this palace and Minoan palaces. For example, Minoan style fresco fragments have been found that seem to be mimicking the Minoan style. The palatial layout and construction of the palace also seems to coincide with the Minoans expanding their palaces.[27] It should not be so surprising that foreign merchants most likely visited Knossos or other palaces on Crete and were amazed at what they saw there. When they returned home the nobility of places like Tel Kabri wanted to emulate the great Minoan culture to give some kind of additional legitimacy to their own rule. This is an example of the Minoans having great influence on outside cultures without doing much to influence these people.

Additionally, by analyzing animal bones found at the site archaeologists could determine that the people at Tel Kabri started using meat cleavers to cut bone and extract marrow. This had occurred just slightly after the same development happened within Minoan society.[28] Again this showcases how trade partners of the Minoans benefited from not only the exchange of goods but also the exchange of ideas coming from Crete.

Egypt was one of the many civilizations that benefited from trade with the Minoans. This is evidenced by the many Minoan products found in Egypt. Most commonly found is Minoan pottery. Pottery from Crete has been found all over Egypt. In her article “The Perceived Value of Minoan and Minoanizing Pottery in Egypt” Caitlín E. Barrett discusses why Egyptians desired Minoan pottery and who in Egypt was buying it. Through her findings she concludes that people of nearly all strata had access to Minoan pottery and other Minoan products like cups for example.[29] Cretan pottery has been found in Egyptian homes and even graves indicating that it was used either practically or as display pieces. Essentially showcasing that they have exotic pottery from a distant land.[30] Its presence in Egyptian graves is also a strong indicator that Minoan pottery was quite well revered in some respects and that some Egyptians wanted to take it with them even in the afterlife. Minoans only imported a very small number of manufactured goods as they produced most, if not all, of these goods domestically. Of the manufactured goods imported to Crete almost all that have been found were Egyptian.[31] This really demonstrates the longstanding connection between these two cultures and the admiration they held for one another.

It can be deduced that Minoans had been visiting Egypt for many years, evidenced by the style of clothing the Egyptians portrayed Cretans wearing in their paintings. As Minoan clothing trends changed, as can be seen in Minoan artwork of themselves on Crete, these same changes are depicted in Egyptian iconography featuring Minoans. The Rekhmire paintings, located in the tomb of Rekhmire in the Egyptian city of Thebes, depict Minoan envoys wearing patterned kilts without cod pieces and a hemline sloping down towards the front.[32] Through cleaning an original coat of paint was revealed showing an older style of Minoan dress, kilts with codpieces and an upwards sloping hemline. This indicates that the Egyptians made clear efforts to update their portrayal of Minoans through the centuries. Wall paintings in the Tomb of Senmut also have Minoans depicted with the older style of outfit dating to the 1500s B.C.E.[33] At the same time on Crete in Minoan frescoes monkeys are painted blue which is a common feature of Egyptian portrayals of monkeys. A study published by the Cambridge University Press even suggests that the Minoans were the first Europeans to have contact with non-human primates.[34] The frescoes also often feature depictions of papyrus which was not grown in Crete but rather procured from Egypt. The presence of papyrus in these frescoes may also indicate Minoans trying to replicate features commonly seen in Egyptian art. These two features of Minoan frescoes can point to the Minoans certainly being influenced by Egyptian art. When added to the Egyptian portrayals of Minoans, a picture of two cultures with respect for each other and who came into contact with each other often starts to emerge.

Another piece of evidence that lets historians know that Egyptian and Minoan cultures came into frequent contact are inscriptions written by Egyptians discussing Minoans. One such inscription can be found once again in the Tomb of Rekhmire. Rekhmire was an Egyptian vizier, who was visited by the Minoans around 1470-1450 B.C.E.[35] and the inscription under a painting of the Minoan envoys reads “Princes of the Land of Keftiu (Crete) and of the isles which are in the midst of the sea.”[36] The isles mentioned most likely refer to the other islands of the Aegean. The mention of “the isles” in this inscription is good evidence that the Minoans had established colonies, trade posts, and had built an empire in the Aegean by the 15th century B.C.E. Another inscription at the base of a statue in the funeral temple of Amenhotep III lists nine place names. Four were located in Pylos, a Mycenaen kingdom and four were cities on Crete: Knossos, Amnisos, Lyktos, and Dikte.[37] The final place name was the island of Kythera which was a Minoan colony.[38] The purpose of this inscription is not entirely known but it is possible it relates to trusted trade partners or cities in which trade deals were made within Amenhotp’s lifetime.

Cultural exchanges between the Minoans and Egyptians were not entirely one sided. Some evidence from a discovery in 1991 suggests that Minoans had substantially more influence over Egyptian culture than previously thought. In Tell el-Dab’a a Minoan style fresco was uncovered depicting a bull leaping, among other things. The bull is a common trope in Minoan art work and often associated with Crete even in the present day. In an article by Sara Cole she looks into the techniques used to determine if this fresco was Minoan or Egyptian in origin. Looking at the fresco a lime plaster was used which corresponds with frescoes found in Knossos and Akrotiri, Minoan cities. In contrast Egyptian wall paintings utilized a gypsum plaster.[39]

Another indicator that this fresco is Minoan in origin are the proportions. Egyptians utilized a grid to create proportions unique to Egyptian art; they also had particular proportions for human beings. There is no evidence of these proportions or grid being followed in the Tell el-Dab’a fresco.[40]

Furthermore, there is evidence that a string was used on the wet plaster to create borders which is an explicitly Minoan technique.[41] From these observations it is clear that the fresco was created using Minoan techniques and imagery. The question that arises becomes, is this merely an imitation of Minoan art or were Minoans hired to create this fresco for Egyptians? Cole argues the latter by looking at the pigments utilized in the fresco. All the pigments utilized are common in Minoan frescoes found in Knossos and elsewhere. By looking specifically at the Egyptian blue and the elements that comprise the pigment evidence for the fresco being a commissioned work come to light. The type of Egyptian blue used in this fresco contains a copper-tin alloy which had been used for centuries by Minoans and can be found in frescos on the island of Thera and in Knossos on Crete itself. This composition for Egyptian blue is not typically used by Egyptians and instead indicates that the painters most likely brought it with them from Crete.[42] It is clear that skilled Minoan artisans were valued enough to be hired even by the great powers of the time and that these painters were specifically sought out. While historians used to believe that Minoans merely imitated the cultures around them, this fresco proves that Minoan culture was valued by others and even the Egyptians looked at Minoan art as desirable.

Another specialized art form that Minoans became masterful at was faience. Faience is glazed pottery usually decorated with paintings. Between 1700-1400 B.C.E. Minoan faience had been perfected and the Minoans were able to create polychrome faience pieces with many different inlaid colors.[43] M.S. Tite et al. in The Journal of Archaeological Science look through electron microscopes to determine the colors of the weathered faience samples that have been recovered from Crete. As a consequence of severe weathering the Minoan faience recovered is often gray, white, and brown with most of the color washed away. However, through the use of electron microscopy “bright turquoise blue, purple and violet, and pale yellow-green and greenish turquoise”[44] have all been determined to have originally been visible on these pieces. Rodney Castleden looked at the faience industry as proof of collaboration between the different artisans within the temples. He comes to this conclusion by stating that faience is a craft that utilizes the “shared experience of many different crafts [which] implies collaboration.”[45] Potters and the pot painters or even the designers of the particular faience imagery could all be different specialists who came together to create faience works of very high quality. These works could then be exported and traded for a much greater value than the material used in its construction.

Minoan stone working was also highly desired around the Mediterranean. The Minoans used stone to make vases, buckets, jars, bowls, and lamps with incredible skill. They utilized highly creative designs for example, pot lids with the handles sculpted to resemble reclining dogs.[46] They used various and sometimes exotic stones from around the Mediterranean to create colorful masterpieces. Rosso antico from the Greek mainland, white-speckled obsidian from the island of Yiali, alabaster from Egypt, gypsum, limestone, serpentine, porphyry, black obsidian from Cappadocia, basalt from the Peloponnese, and more were all used.[47] Minoans even coated some of these stoneworks in gold leaf and their stoneworkers were extremely desired by other cultures.[48] The Minoan economy depended on workers like these to make highly desirable products for foreign and domestic trade. Gathering these stones from over the Mediterranean and creating beautiful stoneworks was only possible with the centralization of artisans within the palace-temples and a vast trade network. Taking Crete’s rather meager raw resources and utilizing them to trade for specialized materials like obsidian or serpentine to create high quality in demand masterworks was the formula which the Minoan government used to become extremely wealthy and renowned.

This wealth is evident even today when traversing the ancient ruins of the Minoan temple-palaces. Large frescos and decadent architecture can be seen as well as the monumental scale of the palace. The palace would have been multiple stories high and the upper floors would have held the more extravagant rooms like dining and banquet halls. The lower floors on the other hand were relegated to housing the workshops and storerooms.[49] There were guest and service stairways as well as kitchens and pantries where food would be prepared for guests.[50] The rooms would have also been beautifully decorated with painted walls, columns, and frescos. The Minoan nobility clearly wanted to show off their wealth when designing these palaces. The layouts of the palace themselves would also often be intricate and creative with none of the Minoan palaces being the same. It is no wonder that the story of Daedalus, an extremely skilled architect, takes place on the Island of Crete. It seems that Minoan architecture over time became somewhat legendary and constructions like the labyrinth of Knossos sparked myths to grow when the Greeks conquered the island. Another interesting aspect of the Minoan palaces are that they embody both function and form. They are extremely grandiose but still hold the storerooms for the goods waiting to be exported and also the artisans’ workshops. The palaces were not just residencies for nobility but also quite literally the economic heart of the island.

Artifacts made in these workshops, like a collection of 153 silver cups and one gold cup, have been found in the ancient Egyptian town of Tôd. The Egyptian deposit in which they were found has been dated to the 1920s B.C.E. and all the cups appear to have been made by Minoans made in a style used on the island from 2000-1900 B.C.E.[51] The cups were apparently offered to the Egyptians as tribute from a Syrian king. This shows that Minoan products were found in many places and were valued enough to be accepted as tribute. Gold itself was imported to Crete from Egyptian gold mines in the Sinai, the Arabian desert, and Anatolia. Skilled Minoan craftsmen worked this gold into cups, jewelry, sword hilts, statues, and more. They then took these products and sold them overseas at a large profit. Gold cups made by Minoan craftsmen were found at a burial in Vaphio on the Peloponnese as well.[52] Examples of Minoan products made of precious metals are rare especially on Crete itself as many would have been stolen and sold or melted down at some point. That makes any examples of Minoan products like these extremely useful to know the level of expertise Minoans had when working with silver and gold.

Another valuable resource imported by the Minoans was ivory. Ivory carving was done on Crete and might have been taught to the Minoans by the Syrians whose carvings share a lot in common with Minoan examples. An example of a Minoan ivory relief carving was found in an unlooted Mycenaean tomb. The carving was probably a decoration attached to wood furniture.[53] It features a scene of marine motifs such as argonauts, seashells, seaweed and rockwork.[54] Marine motifs seem to be very common across all mediums of later Minoan art. As the Minoans used the sea as their lifeblood this makes sense. Maybe the most common way Minoans used ivory though was in the creation of sealstones. Sealstones could be made of a couple different materials like stone, ivory, or bronze, but they served an important purpose in society. Sealstones were essentially the equivalent of today’s signature for the Minoans. Every person of importance or business man would have their own unique seal.[55] Many different designs have been found on Minoan sealstones, but they often featured animals like bulls, lions, birds, or marine life.[56] They also sometimes featured common patterns at the time like the swastika.[57] For a highly mercantile society sealstones were even more pertinent. Merchants could stamp pottery with their seal so you would know who the product was from; it was essentially a Bronze Age business logo.

As other specialized crafts developed, simple pottery did as well. Castleden calls Minoan pottery “the finest… in the civilized world.”[58] Minoan pottery featured elegant designs and would often be painted with intricate patterns and swirling shapes. Kamares are just one type of Minoan pottery and features a dark background with light colored designs overtop.[59] A Minoan pithos found in Phrygia showcases an optical illusion of six conjoined heads. The viewer is only able to see around two heads at a time as the concentric lines only appear to form heads when they are in your direct eyeline.[60] This kind of design where there are images hidden in minimalist patterns is not uncommon for Minoan pottery. A jug depicting birds made out of spirals and other flowing shapes shows how Minoan painters loved to play with perception by using highly creative and arctic designs.[61] Another common feature of Minoan pottery is the marine motif. Minoans loved showing marine life, especially animals like octopi and fish. The sprawling arms of an octopus provided great ways to fill up space on the pottery.[62] The marine motifs also fit with the seafaring nature of Minoan society and Minoans would have had plenty of experience with these animals to render them correctly.

Minoan trade did not end at Mediterranean civilizations. Instead, a new study suggests that Minoans had direct trade routes with the Indus River Valley civilization. Located in areas of modern-day Pakistan, Afghanistan, and India it is clear that Minoans had quite the trading capability to be able to do business so far away. Minoans were not simple intermediaries in these trade deals, instead they were a main trade partner. This was unearthed by looking at weight measurements of each society and comparing them. Merchants trading with other civilizations would bring their weights and balance scales with them and allow these weights to be copied by the other party creating a uniform weight system between the two.[63] This practice probably started in Mesopotamia and spread from there.

Every time the weights were copied however it seems that they began to deviate from the original slightly. This made the weights a bit too heavy or too light and each time they were copied they would veer further from the original, like a game of telephone. Using this, archeologists could see which civilizations had identical weights to tell if there was a direct trade route between the two. The Minoans had four different measurements of identical weights with the Indus River Valley civilization. Some of these weights were recovered on Crete itself and some were from Minoan colonies. This shows that the Minoan colonies did actively participate in a lot of trade and that the colonies and Crete itself worked together.

The highest concentration of weights came from the city of Akrotiri on the island of Thera, modern day Santorini. Thera was a prominent Minoan colony and an important trade hub.[64] The route proposed by the authors of the study would be from a city named Shortugai, in modern-day Afghanistan, through Iran, and up to the city of Trebizond on Anatolia’s Black Sea coast.[65] There Minoan merchants would be waiting and goods would be exchanged. This is quite different to the previously held view of the scope of Minoan trade. It was previously thought that trade from India to Crete would have only been done with Mesopotamian peoples acting as middlemen.[66] Instead direct trade between India and Crete puts into perspective the scale of Minoan trade influence and connections. Knowing this, other proposed theories like Crete receiving its tin from Britain become more probable. No concrete evidence has been found of this though and the source of tin for the Minoans is still unidentified.

            To sustain such a vast trade empire the Minoans needed a capable fleet of ships to transport their goods as well as a naval fleet to protect these goods from pirates. Thucydides actually credits the Minoans with creating the first ever naval fleet, writing

The earliest ruler known to have possessed a fleet was Minos. He made himself master of the Greek waters and subjugated the Cyclades by expelling the Carians and establishing his sons in control of the new settlements founded in their place; and naturally, for the safer conveyance of his revenues, he did all he could to suppress piracy.[67]

The veracity of this claim is hard to prove and it should be noted that Thucydides was writing roughly 1000 years after the Minoans were conquered by the Mycenaeans. Despite this, it does give a good idea of how Greeks thought of the Minoans even long after they were gone. From the quote some general truths can be garnered, the Minoans controlled the Cyclades and had a strong fleet to suppress piracy which gives credence to the Minoans being a thalassocracy. Island Empires always prioritize constructing a large naval force to protect their home island and overseas colonies. The early 20th century Japanese and the British Empire are good examples of this. In this regard the Minoans were no different. The exact scale of the Minoan navy is the real mystery that can only be solved if more archeological evidence comes to light.

Even though archeologists do not have many examples of Minoan ships outside of paintings, a very small number of confirmed Minoan shipwrecks have been found. The first of which was discovered by Greek archeologist Elpida Hadjidaki in 2004. The wreck was found on the seafloor off the coast of the island of Pseira.[68] The fact that this was only discovered so recently really shows how Minoan history is very much still being written. In 1976 Jacques Cousteau discovered some Minoan pottery in the shallows of the island to add to that Pseira was also known as a Bronze Age sea port.[69] Even though this seems like a prime location for a Minoan shipwreck to be located, the deeper waters surrounding the island were never explored until Hadjidaki’s team did a dive there. On the seafloor 209 ceramic amphoras were discovered, 80 of which were completely or nearly completely intact.[70] The layout of how they were discovered also provides significant information about what the original dimensions of the ship were. Hadjidaki estimates the ship to be 32 to 50 feet long.[71] This is consistent with iconography from Minoan frescoes of what a smaller Minoan ship should look like. Hadjidaki also suggested that this ship is most likely a local ship that did not do long distance journeys to procure overseas goods.[72] It makes sense the Minoans would have many classes of ships some larger for longer expeditions and others smaller to acquire local goods. Yet, the sheer amount of amphoras found on one singular ship gives an idea on how impressive the scale of Minoan trade was. The fact that this was a small local ship must be emphasized as their large ships could have carried possibly thousands of amphora most likely carrying olive oil and wine.

Many depictions of Minoan ships can be found on sealstones on Crete. Many of these vessels have only a single mast. Arthur Evans in his article The Early Nilotic, Libyan and Egyptian Relations with Minoan Crete suggests that a small Minoan ship with a crew of less than 12 could have traveled to Benghazi in Libya or Alexandria in Egypt easily.[73] He even claims that it is very possible that because of the favorable winds, current, and extensive Cretan forests providing good quality wood, the Minoans might have been the first people to traverse the open Mediterranean.[74] This would align with the claim made by Thucydides and gives even more of an explanation on why the Minoans became a thalassocracy. The extreme deforestation of the Island of Crete can be explained by Minoans using the island’s once extensive forests to build ships.

            These ships must have been stopping at Minoan colonies along their voyages and the name of the Minoans themselves may lend a hand in finding out the extent of these colonies in the Mediterranean. Many bronze age port cities throughout the Mediterranean bear the name “Minoa”. These cities reach as far west as Sicily and are scattered throughout the Aegean and eastern Mediterranean. Minoans got their name in the early 20th century being named by historians after the legendary King Minos from Greek stories. Although this is the case, Castleden argues that it is very possible that Minos was the title of the Minoan king and the colonies were named after him.[75] It could make sense as an etymological remnant of Minoan rule. The location of these cities being coastal, having distinctly Minoan street plans, Minoan style of architecture, Minoan burial customs, and pottery shops in the Minoan style, all point towards these “Minoa” as being Minoan colonies.[76]

To clarify, not all Minoan colonies held the name Minoa. Instead, there is a significant list of other settlements that share all the characteristics of Minoan colonies. Kastri on the island of Kythera is theorized to have been the first Minoan colony with Minoan settlement dating back to before 2000 B.C.E.[77] Kastri was first excavated in the early 1960s and was determined to be a Minoan colony from the heavy presence of Minoan pottery and evidence of Cretan cultural practices. Another thing to note is the presence of what seems to be pottery belonging to a native population of the island.[78] By dating the pottery and looking at expansion of the settlement it can be seen that this native pottery style was slowly overtaken and eventually completely replaced by Minoan styles as the centuries went by.[79] This probably indicates either the expulsion of the native people of Kythera or their assimilation into Minoan society. The original excavation in the 1960s only uncovered a small amount of the total island while more recent excavations have been able to unearth much more land area.

Through these newer excavations Minoan presence on the island seems to have extended beyond just Kastri.[80] Though the question of whether the native population was pushed out or integrated into Minoan society has not been fully answered it does allow for some insight into Minoan colonial practices. It is clear that Minoans were not adverse to settling in areas where native populations were already residing. The Minoans likely colonized Kythera in order to have a rest stop for ships and to monopolize on trading routes coming through the west of the Aegean. Another reason for their settlement would surely be to extract any and all material resources that the island had.[81] It also leaves the possibility that Minoans incorporated other cultures into their own and at the apex of their expansion they had multiple ethnic peoples in their domain.

While Kastri might have been the first Minoan colony, perhaps the most discussed and important to understanding Minoan colonies is Akrotiri on Thera. Essentially the Minoan equivalent of Pompeii, a volcanic eruption buried the city in ash in the 16th century B.C.E.[82] This left the city relatively well preserved. Three large vessels found at Akrotiri contained wine and olive oil residues.[83] The storeroom they were found in also featured large windows and archeologists think that this could have been used as a storefront.[84] It makes sense that Akrotiri had such stores as it would have been a pivotal stop for ships travelling through the eastern Mediterranean and even for ships going to and from the Black Sea. The Minoan civilization’s emphasis on trade is particularly noticeable when looking at their colonies. Their colonies always tend to be on the coast and in places that are on busy trade routes. They also tend to colonize places where it would be to rest on long voyages or to wait for favorable winds for their ships.

            As seen with Kastri, Akrotiri was not an uninhabited island when Minoans arrived. Likewise with Kastri, local pottery styles seemed to become more Minoanized over time.[85] It seems Minoan colonies did not always rely on many colonists travelling from Crete to settle in these far away cities. Instead what probably occurred was artisans were sent from the palace-temples to teach the Cretan way of producing pottery, making frescos, etc.[86] In exchange some kind of agreement would be reached to bring the cities closer to the Minoans politically. Over time the city becomes “culturally colonized” without the need for conquest or resettlement of native peoples.[87] Evidence from Akrotiri gives more credence to the theory that the people of Kastri were assimilated into Minoan society without being expelled to an unknown location or killed. Evidence like Theran cultural and artistic expression still being present in their pottery and frescos combined with strong Minoan influences.[88] It seems that as long as you were capable of providing the Minoans with artisan goods and were located in a coastal area along trade routes they were eager to integrate you into the broader Minoan trade empire.

            Minoans established colonies not just on islands but colonies like the one at Miletus in modern day Turkey show that they would establish colonies on the continent as well. Ninety-five percent of the pottery found at Miletus has been made in the Minoan style or was imported from Crete.[89] On top of that, seven inscriptions in Minoan Linear A script have been uncovered. Miletus is not one of a kind and Minoan frescoes and pottery have been found at Iasos, Turkey and Qatna, Syria which could also be potential Minoan colonies.[90] Iasos is the more likely location of a Minoan colony compared to Qatna as it is on the Aegean and Minoan colonies seem to always be close by to water. These colonies likely were used to produce grain and mine for copper as well as other metals that the Minoans lacked on Crete. As the Minoans had a mostly export based economy they would have been trying to cut down on importing food and copper as much as possible.

            Castleden provides his reasoning for why colonies were established which again goes back to a lack of resources simply saying they were established as a response to a surge in population on Crete that necessitated having to look overseas for new supplies of grain and other food sources.[91] It seems that local populations integrated with the Minoan culture eventually but the question of how Minoan colonies were initially founded is still a mystery. It is possible that the Minoans were able to peacefully establish colonies. Minoan art and culture was much more advanced than their close neighbors and it can be theorized that gaining access to some of this Cretan knowledge could have convinced local peoples to allow Minoan settlements on their islands.[92] Despite this possibility it is a bit optimistic and it should be remembered that during this time period violence was often used and it would not be out of place for the Minoans to utilize it as well. Regardless of how the colonies were formed, the Minoan culture was spread and colonies were established using Minoan cities as reference.

Through this the Minoan Empire only further expanded their trade dominance and influence on Mediterranean culture.Minoan influence in the Mediterranean has been greatly diminished by historians for decades. It is now clear that Minoans turned to trade due to lack of natural resources. By concentrating their artisans together and creating specialized government run workshops Minoans were able to use raw materials to create elaborate products that were works of art. These products created a high demand for Minoan goods which allowed the Minoans to become very wealthy building large palaces and establishing colonies all over the Mediterranean. They also dealt not just in material goods but cultural goods as well. As with all trade this was not a one-way exchange. The Minoans took inspiration from the best and oldest cultures at the time, like the Egyptians, while spreading their own culture simultaneously. Where they established colonies they also spread their culture and it is possible many different peoples considered themselves Minoan by the time the empire fell. Minoan ships were able to carry hundreds or even thousands of amphora long distances and Crete alone produced tens of thousands of litres of olive oil and wine a harvest. The quality and quantity of Minoan industry was clearly an accomplishment to marvel at. By the way their contemporaries and the Greeks wrote about them, it becomes clear that the Minoans carried some level of respect and influence that should grant them more than a footnote in our history books. It is clear the Minoans controlled an impressive Bronze Age thalassocracy that spread its products just as far as its culture and left an indelible mark on Mediterranean civilization.

Barrett, Caitlín E. “The Perceived Value of Minoan and Minoanizing Pottery in Egypt.” Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 22, no. 2 (2010): 211–34. https://doi.org/10.1558/jmea.v22i2.211.

Bonn-Muller, Eti. “First Minoan Shipwreck. Archaeology.” Vol. 63. Boston: Archaeological Institute of America, 2010.

Broodbank, Cyprian, and Evangelia Kiriatzi. “The First ‘Minoans’ of Kythera Revisited: Technology, Demography, and Landscape in the Prepalatial Aegean.” American Journal of Archaeology 111, no. 2 (2007): 241–74. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40037274.

Buck, Robert J. “The Minoan Thalassocracy Re-Examined.” Historia : Zeitschrift Für Alte Geschichte 11, no. 2 (1962): 129–37. https://www.jstor.org/stable/4434736.

Castleden, Rodney. Minoans : Life in Bronze Age Crete. London ; Routledge, 1993.

Cole, Sara “The Wall Paintings of Tell el-Dab’a: Potential Aegean Connections,” Pursuit – The Journal of Undergraduate Research at The University of Tennessee: Vol. 1 : Iss. 1 , Article 10 (2010): https://trace.tennessee.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1006&context=pursuit  

Demakopoulou, K, and S Aulsebrook. “The Gold and Silver Vessels and Other Precious Finds from the Tholos Tomb at Kokla in the Argolid.” Annual of the British School at Athens 113 (2018): 119–42. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068245418000084.

Evans, Arthur. “The Early Nilotic, Libyan and Egyptian Relations with Minoan Crete.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 55 (1925): 199–228. https://doi.org/10.2307/2843640.

Graham, J W. “Further Notes on Minoan Palace Architecture: I. West Magazines and Upper Halls at Knossos and Mallia; 2. Access to, and Use of, Minoan Palace Roofs.” American Journal of Archaeology 83 (1979): 49–69.

Keys, David. “Colonizing Cretans.” Archaeology. Vol. 57. Boston: Archaeological Institute of America, 2004.

Knappett, Carl, and Irene Nikolakopoulou. “Colonialism without Colonies? A Bronze Age Case Study from Akrotiri, Thera.” Hesperia 77, no. 1 (2008): 1–42. https://doi.org/10.2972/hesp.77.1.1.

Marom, Nimrod, Assaf Yasur-Landau, and Eric H Cline. “The Silent Coast: Zooarchaeological Evidence to the Development Trajectory of a Second Millennium Palace at Tel Kabri.” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 39 (2015): 181–92. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2015.04.002.

Reich, John J. “Twelve New Bronze and Iron Age Seals.” The Journal of Hellenic Studies 86 (1966): 159–65. https://doi.org/10.2307/629000.

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Starr, Chester G. “The Myth of the Minoan Thalassocracy.” Historia : Zeitschrift Für Alte Geschichte 3, no. 3 (1955): 282–91. https://www.jstor.org/stable/4434736.

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[1] Rodney Castleden, Minoans: Life in Bronze Age Crete, (Routledge, 1993), 4.

[2] Castleden, Minoans, 3.

[3] Cyprian Broodbank and Evangelia Kiriatzi, “The First ‘Minoans’ of Kythera Revisited: Technology, Demography, and Landscape in the Prepalatial Aegean,” American Journal of Archaeology 111, no. 2 (2007): 241–74, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40037274, 241.

[4] Chester G. Starr, “The Myth of the Minoan Thalassocracy,”Historia : Zeitschrift Für Alte Geschichte 3, no. 3 (1955): 282–91, https://www.jstor.org/stable/4434736, 283.

[5] Starr, “The Myth of the Minoan Thalassocracy,” 284.

[6] Starr, “The Myth of the Minoan Thalassocracy,” 284.

[7] Starr, “The Myth of the Minoan Thalassocracy,” 285.

[8] Robert J. Buck, “The Minoan Thalassocracy Re-Examined,” Historia : Zeitschrift Für Alte Geschichte 11, no. 2 (1962): 129–37, https://www.jstor.org/stable/4434736, 131.

[9] Buck, “The Minoan Thalassocracy Re-Examined,” 131.

[10] Castleden, Minoans, 3.

[11] Castleden, Minoans, 45.

[12] Castleden, Minoans, 46.

[13] Castleden, Minoans, 46.

[14] Castleden, Minoans, 113.

[15] Katarzyna Zeman-Wiśniewska, “Re-Evaluation of Contacts between Cyprus and Crete from the Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age,”Electrum (Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Instytut Historii) 27, no. 27 (2020): 11–32, https://doi.org/10.4467/20800909EL.20.001.12791, 26.

[16] Zeman-Wiśniewska, “Re-Evaluation of Contacts between Cyprus and Crete,” 26.

[17] N. Yahalom-Mack et al, “Incised Late Bronze Age Lead Ingots from the Southern Anchorage of Caesarea,” Journal of Archaeological Science, Reports 41 (2022): 1-10, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2021.103321, 1-2.

[18] Yahalom-Mack et al, “Incised Late Bronze Age Lead Ingots from the Southern Anchorage of Caesarea,” 3.

[19] Castleden, Minoans, 63.

[20] Castleden, Minoans, 40.

[21] Castleden, Minoans, 40.

[22] Castleden, Minoans, 77.

[23] Castleden, Minoans, 78.

[24] Castleden, Minoans, 77.

[25] Castleden, Minoans, 108.

[26] Castleden, Minoans, 109.

[27] Nimrod Marom, Assaf Yasur-Landau, and Eric H Cline, “The Silent Coast: Zooarchaeological Evidence to the Development Trajectory of a Second Millennium Palace at Tel Kabri,” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 39 (2015): 181–92, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2015.04.002, 182.

[28] Marom, Yasur-Landau, and Cline, “The Silent Coast,” 190.

[29] Caitlín E. Barrett, “The Perceived Value of Minoan and Minoanizing Pottery in Egypt,”Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 22, no. 2 (2010): 211–34, https://doi.org/10.1558/jmea.v22i2.211, 226,211. 226.

[30] Barrett, “The Perceived Value of Minoan and Minoanizing Pottery in Egypt, 226.

[31] Castleden, Minoans, 119.

[32] Castleden, Minoans, 12.

[33] Castleden, Minoans, 12.

[34] Bernando Urbani and Dionisios Youlatos, “A New Look at the Minoan ‘Blue’ Monkeys,” Antiquity 94, no. 374 (2020): e9, https://doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2020.29.

[35] Castleden, Minoans, 12.

[36] Castleden, Minoans, 12.

[37] Castleden, Minoans, 119.

[38] Castleden, Minoans, 119.

[39] Sara Cole, “The Wall Paintings of Tell el-Dab’a: Potential Aegean Connections,”  Pursuit – The Journal of Undergraduate Research at The University of Tennessee: Vol. 1 : Iss. 1 , Article 10 (2010): 112, https://trace.tennessee.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1006&context=pursuit.

[40] Cole, “The Wall Paintings of Tell el-Dab’a”, 112.

[41] Cole, “The Wall Paintings of Tell el-Dab’a”, 112.

[42] Cole, “The Wall Paintings of Tell el-Dab’a”, 112.

[43] M.S Tite et al, “Colour in Minoan Faience,” Journal of Archaeological Science 36, no. 2 (2009): 370, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2008.09.031.

[44] Tite et al, “Colour in Minoan Faience,” 370.

[45] Castleden, Minoans, 95.

[46] Castleden, Minoans, 88.

[47] Castleden, Minoans, 89.

[48] Castleden, Minoans, 90.

[49] J W Graham, “Further Notes on Minoan Palace Architecture: I. West Magazines and Upper Halls at Knossos and Mallia; 2. Access to, and Use of, Minoan Palace Roofs,” American Journal of Archaeology 83 (1979): 49–69, 49.

[50] Graham, “Further Notes on Minoan Palace Architecture,” 49.

[51] Castleden, Minoans, 90.

[52] Castleden, Minoans, 93.

[53] K. Demakopoulou and S. Aulsebrook, “The Gold and Silver Vessels and Other Precious Finds from the Tholos Tomb at Kokla in the Argolid,”Annual of the British School at Athens 113 (2018): 119–42, https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068245418000084.

[54] Demakopoulou and Aulsebrook, “The Gold and Silver Vessels and Other Precious Finds”.

[55] Castleden, “Minoans,” 95.

[56] John J Reich, “Twelve New Bronze and Iron Age Seals,”The Journal of Hellenic Studies 86 (1966): 159–65, https://doi.org/10.2307/629000.

[57] Reich, “Twelve New Bronze and Iron Age Seals”, 159.

[58] Castleden, Minoans, 118.

[59]Vessel (Pithos; Ht. 45cm.), ca. 1800 B.C, Terra cotta, Heraklion: Mus., Archaeological; From Dascylion, ancient capital of the satrapy of Phrygia during the Achaemenid period, https://jstor.org/stable/community.11656755.

[60] Vessel (Pithos; Ht. 45cm.), ca. 1800 B.C, Terra cotta, Heraklion: Mus.

[61] Vessel (Jug; Ht. 27cm.). ca. 1800 B.C.E. Terra cotta. Heraklion: Mus., Archaeological.; Found at Pazarli. https://jstor.org/stable/community.11656751.

[62]Three Handled Amphora: Marine Style Octopus, c.1500-1400 B.C, https://jstor.org/stable/community.13555696.

[63] Peter Zsolt Revesz and Bipin C. Desai, “Data Science Applied to Discover Ancient Minoan-Indus Valley Trade Routes Implied by Common Weight Measures,” Proceedings of the 26th International Database Engineered Applications, (New York: 2022), 150, https://doi.org/10.1145/3548785.3548804.

[64] Revesz and Desai, “Data Science Applied to Discover Ancient Minoan-Indus Valley Trade Routes”, 152.

[65] Revesz and Desai, “Data Science Applied to Discover Ancient Minoan-Indus Valley Trade Routes”, 152.

[66] Revesz and Desai, “Data Science Applied to Discover Ancient Minoan-Indus Valley Trade Routes”, 152.

[67] Castleden, Minoans, 116.

[68] Eti Bonn-Muller,“First Minoan Shipwreck,” Archaeology, Vol. 63, Boston: Archaeological Institute of America, 2010.

[69] Bonn-Muller, “First Minoan Shipwreck”.

[70] Bonn-Muller, “First Minoan Shipwreck”.

[71] Bonn-Muller, “First Minoan Shipwreck”.

[72] Bonn-Muller, “First Minoan Shipwreck”.

[73] Arthur Evans, “The Early Nilotic, Libyan and Egyptian Relations with Minoan Crete,” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 55 (1925): 199–228, https://doi.org/10.2307/2843640, 207.

[74] Evans, “The Early Nilotic, Libyan and Egyptian Relations with Minoan Crete,” 208.

[75] Castleden, Minoans, 117.

[76] Castleden, Minoans, 117.

[77] Castleden, Minoans, 117.

[78] Broodbank and Kiriatzi, “The First ‘Minoans’ of Kythera Revisited,” 241.

[79] Broodbank and Kiriatzi, “The First ‘Minoans’ of Kythera Revisited,” 242.

[80] Broodbank and Kiriatzi, “The First ‘Minoans’ of Kythera Revisited,” 259.

[81] Broodbank and Kiriatzi, “The First ‘Minoans’ of Kythera Revisited,” 267.

[82] Thera Excavation Storerooms (Greek repository, Akrotiri, contemporary),Three Vessels in the Storage Room of Sector A. at the Akrotiri Excavation Site, https://jstor.org/stable/community.31068453.

[83] Thera Excavation Storerooms, Three Vessels in the Storage Room of Sector A. at the Akrotiri Excavation Site.

[84] Thera Excavation Storerooms, Three Vessels in the Storage Room of Sector A. at the Akrotiri Excavation Site.

[85] Carl Knappett and Irene Nikolakopoulou, “Colonialism without Colonies? A Bronze Age Case Study from Akrotiri, Thera,” Hesperia 77, no. 1 (2008): 1–42, https://doi.org/10.2972/hesp.77.1.1, 37.

[86] Knappett and Nikolakopoulou, “Colonialism without Colonies?,” 38.

[87] Knappett and Nikolakopoulou, “Colonialism without Colonies?,” 38.

[88] Knappett and Nikolakopoulou, “Colonialism without Colonies?,” 36.

[89] David Keys, “Colonizing Cretans,” Archaeology, Vol. 57, Boston: Archaeological Institute of America, 2004.

[90] David Keys, “Colonizing Cretans”.

[91] Castleden, Minoans, 121.

[92] Castleden, Minoans, 121.

The Rise of the Führer

Regarded as one of the most notorious dictators, Adolf Hitler has cemented their place within history. When generally speaking of Hitler, negative connotations are often placed; Hitler is seen as a cruel dictator, responsible for the countless lost lives of the Jews. However, not much is talked about Hitler’s leadership and speaking skills that took over the German hearts. This historiography paper is not meant to justify, endorse, or celebrate Hitler’s actions, but rather, focus on how Hitler used propaganda to take advantage of Germany and allow for the Nazi regime. Throughout different monographs, they showcase Hitler as an evil dictator, while other monographs go against the idea that Hitler was a villain. Instead, many modern-day monographs acknowledge the methods Hitler used that led to some Germans painting Hitler seen as their savior. Although people and their history books have perspectives on who’s the true villain of the second World War, it must be remembered that every villain is a hero in their own eyes.

Generally, Adolf Hitler is mostly known for his cruel deeds; many modern historians recognize Hitler as a genius who used propaganda against weak Germans to his advantage.  George Stein’s Hitler (1966), St. Martin’s Hitler: A study in Personality and Politics (1979), and Alan Bullock’s Hitler a study in Tyranny (1955), all provide historical insight on how Hitler rose to power and how events shaped historians’ and citizens’ views on Hitler.  Within the three monographs, the authors take a different approach to examine Hitler’s actions, rise to power, personality, and social impact in light of German history and the second World War. In some cases, Hitler was praised by some Germans; modern day monographs acknowledge the praise, but speak on how Hitler was actually just a cruel man. Within the monographs, there is a common theme found; Hitler is the root of evil and nothing more. The authors of the different monographs also explain how Hitler would lie in his autobiography Mein Kampf. Stein, Carr, and Bullock all criticize Mein Kampf and reveal how Hitler would strategically exaggerate events to appeal to the public. Despite the Second World War happening decades ago, monographs are being written to showcase the cruel and upbringing of the Hitler regime. Although the upbringing of the Nazi regime was very cruel, it has been acknowledged that Hitler was a phenomenal leader- with an amazing display of leadership and propaganda skills. In no way shape or form are the monographs trying to justify the horrors that Hitler brought, but to educate the readers how a man, equipped with proper leadership, can rise to power through propaganda, manipulation, and greed. 

            With Stein’s monograph, Hitler, scholars are able to reshape how Hitler is perceived. Stein offers readers both sides of Hitler’s regime upbringing, showcasing both the negative and positive tales of Hitler’s regime. As mentioned and emphasized earlier, historians think that Hitler was a purely evil man. Although this is true for the most part for most scholars and the general audience, Stein’s monograph acknowledges and praises Hitler’s work as a leader. It has to be remembered that Stein is not praising Hitler for the genocides and the wars, but showing how Hitler’s excellent manipulative skills allowed him to gain control in a weak Germany. As their monograph develops, Stein gives readers different stories and scenarios that aids in their understanding of Hitler. Within these stories, readers are able to understand Hitler’s childhood and his development in German politics. With this in mind, Stein allows scholars to analyze how

Hitler aided Germany, but also caused plenty of chaos. However, Stein’s monograph points towards the idea that Hitler was actually praised in Germany. Especially after the first war, the Germans needed a savior, which many of the Germans found in Hitler. Despite the many positive talks, Stein also talks about the cruel stories of Hitler.

            Within Stein’s Hitler, Stein offers three different views on Hitler. Stein gives insight about Hitler’s regime through Hitler’s own words, through the opinion of his contemporaries, and through retrospective.[1] According to Stein, he mentions that Hitler regarded himself as a great man, nonetheless, the historian Stein recognizes both positive and negative greatness of Hitler’s rise.[2] As mentioned previously in the introduction, Stein analyzes Hitler’s words to understand how the villain of the story viewed himself as the hero. Even though the different ideas that Hitler was a monster, Hitler’s perspective on himself was nothing short of great. With the help of Stein’s Hitler, Stein’s monograph contributes toward an understanding of both sides of Hitler’s power; the devoted and the non-believers. 

            Within the first part of Hitler, readers can understand how Hitler rose to power through the eyes of the man himself. Inside this section, readers and scholars alike can learn about Hitler through the way that he expresses himself. By analyzing Hitler’s word choices and actions, Stein helps shed light on the hatred, the greed, and manipulation that led to Hitler’s rise. When it came to tactics and propaganda, Hitler is credited to be a smart man; Stein blames most of Hitler’s ideologies on generalized anxiety, frustration, and the need to find his own identity.3 In order to understand Hitler and his successes, historians must examine the techniques and methods that Hitler used. More importantly, it is important the propaganda and leadership skills that tricked a nation into believing the Nazi regime.  In order to understand Hitler’s techniques and methods, Mein Kampf can be studied to understand how Hitler gained the trust of the public. Despite being seen as a fearless and ever powerful dictator, Hitler paints himself in a different way in his autobiography, Mein Kampf. Within this autobiography, Hitler portrays himself as a poor, struggling student who diligently earned his meager by hard work.[3] Here, readers can see the comparisons of Stein’s work and Hitler’s own. Stein’s monograph starts off criticizing Hitler’s autobiography and calls out Hitler for manipulating people for sympathy. Hitler would use sympathy to relate to the millions of Germans who were poor and affected by the First World War. In reality, this was all a propaganda tactic as Stein claims that Hitler was born into a middle-class family that provided everything he needed. Tying back to the idea of spreading propaganda, Stein argues that Hitler would make himself appeal to the Germans. Especially coming off, and losing, the war, Germans faced poverty and seeing their newfound hero go through similar circumstances gave them a false sense of sympathy; hope that a poor child can achieve anything with hard work. Being a manipulator, patience and false sense of sympathy were key techniques to Hitler’s rise. With a combination of coercion and false promises, Hitler managed to force through the Reichstag laws that allowed him to deviate from the constitution, whenever he thought it necessary.[4]

            Although Hitler had various leadership techniques, his sense of propaganda enabled him to appeal to the Germans. According to Stein, Hitler used propaganda to reach greater masses of people with a lower intellectual level.6 In other words, Hitler found a way to understand the general emotion of the public and used it to his advantage. Hitler would strategically use this understanding to convince lower intellectual Germans that his ideology matched theirs. With the help of Stein’s arguments and monographs, readers are able to understand how propaganda

played a major role in Hitler’s success. Although Hitler’s propaganda can be seen as a terrible tactic, it shows how Hitler’s master plan of manipulation enabled him to get control of the masses through his ideologies.

            In Section 1, Part 5 of Hitler, Stein explains how Hitler rose to power through his hatred for the Jews. Stein refers back to Mein Kampf to show how Hitler’s hatred for the Jews helped him gain the support of the public. Through brainwashing and public manipulation, Hitler was able to put the blame of the war on the Jews. In this aspect, Hitler can be painted as a genius, as his usage of patriotism enabled him to convince the Germans that they must be prepared to be ready to lay down their lives for their country.[5] Stein highlighted patriotism as a positive trait, as Hitler viewed himself as a leader who would do anything for his country. With a false sense of patriotism, Hitler would cleverly pick and blame people to convince Germans that they should support his cause

When the topic of Hitler rises, there is a mixed bag of reviews. By this, historians, as well as the general public, view Hitler as evil reincarnated. However, Stein argues that many Germans had a positive outlook on Hitler. Despite being a manipulator, liar, and cruel, Stein discusses how sources claim that Hitler was charming, even endearing; that he was sensitive and capable.[6] Hitler is generally regarded as an evil dictator; with the help of Stein, historians understand a new side of Hitler and his characteristics. Within Stein’s monograph, it was found that followers viewed Hitler as a genius who was organized and cared for his fellow companions.9 Stein offered a perspective that painted Hitler as a person who seemed to care about the welfare of others.

Although society views Hitler’s psychopathic personality as the root for evil, many of Hitler’s followers praised his personality to make him appear as a genius.[7] Whether the persona be artificial or genuine, Hitler would use his likeable persona to brainwash the German nation.

William Carr’s Hitler: A Study in Personality and Politics presents Hitler in the light of modern historical science. Despite this monograph being written in a different time period,  Stein and Carr both agree that Hitler’s expertise in manipulation and mind control enabled him to gain control of Germany. Similar to Stein, Carr believes that Hitler cast a spell over millions of Germans desperately seeking reassurance at a time of unprecedented crisis.[8] Despite both monographs being written years apart, one thing stays the same- Hitler brainwashed. Hitler was well known for his leadership and manipulation tactics, many of his notable traits include the usage of dogmatic assertion, repetition, biting sarcasm and emotional appeal to win over his followers.12 Going back to Stein’s claim, most of the Germans who appealed to Hitler’s words were those lower- and middle-class people; specifically, the lower-class intellectuals.

With this in mind, readers are able to understand how Hitler’s main followers came from the lower levels of society, those of which, that lacked the proper education. Carr sheds light on how the middle-class people yearn for a father figure, and Hitler used that to his advantage. Hitler perfectly created his persona around the idea that he was the father figure that was able to support Germany in times of need and the Germans were manipulated into believing it. Similar to Stein’s approach, Carr argues that Hitler’s targeted propaganda allowed Hitler to take over Germany. Carr praises Hitler for his use of propaganda, as he claims that Hitler had an extraordinary instinct and understanding of it.13 Being a master of propaganda isn’t an easy feat, as Hitler would perfectly cater in his speeches and arguments to appeal to the Germans. With this in mind, Carr argues that Hitler knew what the general appeal was and used it to negotiations; Hitler tricked the people of Germany and countless people into believing in him.

Going back to Mein Kampf, the autobiography is once again being called out for its fabrication and lies. By this, Carr also criticized Mein Kampf for painting Hitler’s fake persona and upbringing as a fabricated story. Hitler would complain about his poor life- when in reality, he had favorable conditions growing up. The fabrication of Hitler’s autobiography was done on purpose, Hitler once again wanted to appeal to the middle and lower class. Stein limited his view to just the German lower and middle class, while Carr gives more insight on how Hitler manipulated the government to come into control. 

Carr provides a new perspective on Hitler’s persona. With their new claim, Carr argues that Hitler is not the one to fully blame for many events in history. However, the ones to blame are shifted towards Hitler’s accomplices. Although the Nazi regime and motives were Hitler’s vision, Hitler only provided the foundation for the plans. In other words, Hitler provided the blueprints but his accomplices did the work to carry out the plans. Historians can see this as Hitler and his associates were not in possession of a blueprint for aggression as the Nuremberg Tribunal believed.14 In reality, one of Hitler’s goals was to avoid

However, this is not to excuse any of Hitler’s plans or motives, but to acknowledge that Hitler was not the sole person responsible for many of the crimes. Carr’s monograph reveals new details about Hitler’s personality. Prior to Carr, little to nothing was known about Hitler. With the help of modern history, historians can learn more about Hitler’s complex personality. Prior studies believed that Hitler was a person with the Oedipus complex; when a son loves his mother while showing hatred for his father. With recent studies and monographs, historians concluded that this is not fully true.

Carr argues how Hitler never really loved his mother, and how he really never hated his father.[9] Instead, it was found that Hitler would have to constantly reassure his mother, which caused him to be spoiled and dependent on her. Carr refers back to Stein, as they agree that Hitler’s personality came to be a result of trauma and not the Oedipal complex.17 Hitler’s personality isn’t seen as an Oedipus complex anymore, instead, it can be seen as a man imprisoned in a shame-guilt cycle. With the help of new Historical evidence, it can be confirmed that Hitler experienced his major identity crisis between the age of eighteen and twenty.18

Since Hitler was dependent on his mother, her death caused Hitler to break away from the world. Historians point towards the idea that Hitler’s time in the military played a role in shaping Hitler’s trauma. Within his military time, Hitler would have a personality crisis and tried to pinpoint a scapegoat for all of the problems being faced. By using brainwashing techniques, Hitler would help Germans to find a way to cope with their troubles instead. By manipulating the Germans, Hitler was able to overcome his trauma by offering to aid the weak Germans. 

With Bullock’s Hitler: A Study in Tyranny, Bullock explores the role of Hitler and how he rose to power. Bullock begins his monograph with two questions in mind, what great part did Hitler play in the Third Reich and how did Hitler rise to power? Bullock takes a different approach as Bullock’s theme is to study the dictator and not the dictatorship. In other words, Bullock is focusing on the personality and characteristics of Hitler instead of the evil deeds committed by the Nazi regime. Much like the previous authors, Bullock criticizes Mein Kampf as he believes that Hitler makes his story much more dramatic than it actually was. By being overdramatic, Hitler seeks to gain the sympathy of the German citizens. Bullock explains that Hitler attempted to be seen as a poor child, but he agrees with Stein and Carr that this is not true. In line with Carr, Bullock debunks the idea of the Oedipus complex and explains it as a more dramatic response by Hitler. With constant fabricated stories, Hitler is seen trying to gain the support of the Germans by gaining petty points on his upbringing. This tactic was one of Hitler’s most common tactics, as he would relate back to German struggles. 

With Bullock’s monograph, readers are able to understand how Hitler would often falsely sympathize with the public. Although Hitler wrote about Vienna’s working-class misery, it was evident that his words produced no sympathy.[10] Despite Hitler showing false support and sympathy, it was used to show how he attempted to care. One of the tactics Hitler used was to learn the working-class hatred towards the higher class. By understanding this concept, Hitler used this to his advantage to gain the support of the working class. Bullock tells readers that Hitler found the solution in the “discovery” that the working men were the victims of a deliberate system.20 In other words, Hitler’s discovery of working men led towards his attempts to gain the support of the poor. As previously stated earlier, the lower class was also seen as having lower intellectual abilities, Hitler’s main targeted group. 

  A new study shows that Hitler did not entirely hate the Jews, but fabricated the propaganda to appeal to the Germans. In Mein Kampf, Hitler would have pages that references Jews. However, in the devoted pages towards Jews, Hitler failed to provide any facts to support his reasoning to hate the Jews. Although the Jewish population was the main victims of the Nazi regime, historians learn that Hitler used the Jews as a fantasy where he projected all that he hates and fears. With recent studies, it shows that the Jewish people were seen as the scapegoats for Germany. In other words, Hitler used Jews as scapegoats to find closure after losing resources and power after the first war. Hitler wisely used this tactic, as he knew finding a scapegoat would allow him to gain support of the Germans.   

Hitler is praised for his leadership skills, but Bullock reveals that Hitler’s nationalism was both unoriginal and highly motivated by propaganda. By this, the ideas that Hitler executed were not Hitler’s own original ideas. Instead of being original, Hitler was able to derive previous ideas from old sources for his movement.[11]  Hitler is depicted to be seen as a mastermind, when he really has no originality in himself; Hitler was able to use his sources and prior ideas to his advantage and appeal to the public. Studies prove that Hitler believed propaganda was key to success, as Hitler observed the successes of English propaganda. Many of the monographs talk about how Hitler emerged from fixed ideas and prejudices, stemming from his traumatic life.

Hitler is seen as a genius for his ability to use propaganda and target the right people. Throughout the monographs seen within this paper, propaganda is a key talking point in every single one of them. The three authors are all in unison to agree that propaganda was the main driving force within Hitler’s rise to power. As mentioned earlier, Hitler had no original ideas, but properly presented himself to gain support. Hitler’s genius was seen when it was time to exploit the weaknesses of the Germans. With recent studies, historians found that Hitler came to know Germany and the Germans in hopes of exploiting their weaknesses. By 1933, Hitler had spoken to almost every single town in Germany, targeting the lower class towns the most. By using his powerful words and leadership skills, Hitler aimed to appear as the hero Germany desperately needed. Bullock provides a new insight on Hitler’s rise to power, as his advantage was that he became a well-supported public figure. 

Hitler rose to power through the powerful messages sent out through his political movements. In order to properly understand the rise of Hitler, the Nazi regime and their movement must be analyzed from a psychological perspective. Hitler’s strength came through his gaining of the public trust, where Hitler properly knew what the masses needed. During his movement, Hitler explains his movement must avoid everything which may lessen or weaken its power of influencing the masses.[12] In other words, Hitler would avoid any obstacles that might have hindered his image or the image that the Nazi regime was trying to portray. Bullock explains in his monograph that Hitler uses constant repetition which succeeded in imprinting an idea on the memory of a crowd.[13] Hitler manipulated the collective memory of the messages, as Hitler would enforce specific memories towards the masses. By enforcing specific memories, Hitler would manipulate the feelings that the masses had towards the Nazi regime. Repetition was seen as key towards Hitler’s success as Stein reveals that Hitler would constantly repeat the same idea over and over.

With this constant repetition, Hitler left a footprint within the crowds. Hitler’s best propaganda and manipulation skills were shown within his speeches. In his speeches, Bullock reveals that Hitler would use specific, emotion triggering words to get the Germans on his side. By emotion triggering, historians learn that Hitler would employ verbal violence and repeat the words “smash”, “force”, “ruthless”, to evoke an effect on the audience. With the constant repetition drilled in the Germans, historians found the effectiveness of Hitler’s speeches to actually impact society into believing that he was correct. Prior to the Nazi regime, Hitler was unknown to the large general public. The Germans were unaware who Hitler was, but he had recently become a familiar figure, thanks to a publicity campaign.24 Bullock explains how

Hitler’s popularity caused him to attract the attention of those who controlled the political funds from heavy industry and big businesses. Looking back at Hitler’s regime, historians learn that Hitler needed the support of both industrialists and big businesses to be able to control the funds for his organization and propaganda.

Within Bullock’s study of Hitler, Bullock discusses how Hitler’s personality was key in making him an effective leader. Regardless of the many troubles or situations that the Nazis found themselves in, Hitler was what kept his men together. Bullock establishes Hitler as a man with a striking leadership quality, a leader that was devoted to his soldiers and goals. Hitler would never let go, never lose faith in himself, and communicated this with his comrades- which ended up boosting their spirits. History does not credit Hitler for his leadership, even though he was the sole reason that the Nazi regime was not abolished sooner. Hitler was the glue within his army, as his constant leadership and positive outlook was a key factor in boosting esteem within the regime. Even while he was in prison, Hitler did not lose faith and constantly reassured his supporters. However, Hitler proves that a cruel movement can gain support through a person’s top tier leadership qualities.

Hitler’s tactics included a mixture of bribery, appeals, and threats. All throughout the German streets there were slogans plastered all over the walls and posters showcasing any sort of help to boost Hitler’s reputation. Stein and Carr explained how Hitler appealed to the middle- and lower-class Germans, but Bullock reveals that Hitler also aimed to target respectable bourgeois parties like the democrats. Much like the Germans of the time, the different political parties were crying out with crippling anxiety and depression. Hitler once again took advantage by offering a brand of extremism. Bullock mentions how Hitler never forgot his main theme in Mein Kampf, as he always targeted the masses, since “possession of the streets is key to the power in the state.”25 Hitler was a genius when it came time to target the masses, as he knew that the lower-class citizens, or streets, were crucial in the development of his regime.

After analyzing the three monographs, the historians are able to offer scholars and readers a new perspective on Hitler. Collective memory enables people to view Hitler as this villain, but fail to acknowledge the incredible grit and determination it took to become a leader. People often mistake Hitler’s manipulation as a negative trait, but the monographs shifted this view to be seen as Hitler’s outstanding traits. Manipulation is tied with a negative connotation, but when used wisely, manipulation can be seen as a positive trait. Although the manipulation didn’t lead to positive outcomes, it shows how it can be used to gain the support of masses. Through manipulation and propaganda, Hitler was able to accomplish great features. To convince thousands of people to follow a regime is outstanding, and Hitler had all the tools to convince the Germans. The monographs acknowledge Hitler’s skill as a genius trait, since many leaders would stumble when trying to convince the mass millions.

The new studies of Hitler coming to light, scholars are able to understand the true nature of Hitler. Before these monographs, historians had different ideas and outlooks on Hitler’s life- many of which mistakenly took Hitler’s personality as a result of the Oedipus complex. With the help of Stein, Carr, and Bullock, historians reframe their thinking of Hitler and how his personality came to be. It has been found that Hitler was not a product of the Oedipus complex, but a result from childhood trauma that came from his dependence on his mother. Contrary to popular belief, Hitler did not love his mother- debunking the Oedipus complex. To further debunk the Oedipus complex labeled on Hitler, Bullock mentions how Hitler did not hate his father but over exaggerated his story.

Prior to any monograph or stories, the only source scholars had on Hitler was through his autobiography. Although Hitler’s autobiography had over dramatic events, scholars were able to understand a glimpse of Hitler’s life. The three monographs help historians understand that Hitler’s autobiography is not entirely accurate. As mentioned before, Hitler would exaggerate his stories to manipulate sympathy from the public. Modern day monographs help reveal the true nature of Mein Kampf and expose some of the lies. All through-out the monographs, it is apparent that they credit Hitler’s rise to power due to his genius use of propaganda. Hitler would use his propaganda to target the middle and lower class who were desperately trying to find a hero. All three authors explain how Hitler painted himself as the hero and would lie in his autobiography to appeal to the people of Germany. The monographs shift history’s understanding of Hitler’s tactics by showcasing how Hitler used the desperation of the German people to his advantage.  

In Bullock’s monograph, Bullock paints Hitler as a clueless person who used luck and manipulation to gain the trust of millions. Hitler had an incredible array of leadership skills and knew how to persuade people. There are countless examples of historical figures that had a part to play in the war, such as other Nazi members and the other Axis powers. As mentioned before, Hitler was the one to be the leader since he had the vocal and persuasive skills to be the leader. The other Nazi higher ranking members and Axis powers had similar ideas, but they just needed Hitler’s platform to reach new heights. The monographs show how Hitler’s manipulation, greed, and childhood trauma, allowed him to become the leader that society knows today. Hitler kept his ideas and did not back down from them, showing leadership qualities in tragic events. Although scholars and historians learn that most of Hitler’s ideas were not originally his, Hitler used prior platforms to his advantage.

Collective memories paint Hitler as a villain, but history must consider his genius as a leader that manipulated his rise to power. As Stein previously mentioned, historians must recognize the positive and negative aspects of the historical figure and the same must be done for Hitler. Although Hitler is seen as mostly negative, the monographs listed here enable scholars to analyze the rise of Hitler and compare it to other politicians. Despite being the villain in countless stories, Hitler is a hero in the eyes of the manipulated and gullible. 

History does not just live within the textbooks or within a teacher’s lesson; history can be seen repeating in our modern-day life. A single man’s voice was able to manipulate and gain the attention of millions of blind supporters, a pattern that can be seen repeating constantly. Even the craziest of ideas can be accomplished through manipulation, propaganda, and other tactics. The historiography paper, The Rise of the Führer, can be used to analyze how Hitler’s tactics gave his voice the power to control the blind masses to go against the Jews. Teaching the rise of Hitler is important in any school curriculum where students are exposed to ideas that involve authoritarianism, manipulation, and dictatorship. Countless politicians and world leaders saw the warning signs of Hitler but failed to really put a halt to him. Relating it to modern day, the world is slowly seeing another Hitler on the rise: Donald Trump.

            Donald Trump is seen using the same tactics as Hitler: manipulation, propaganda, and borderline authoritarianism. For educators, it is important to not only teach about how Hitler rose to power but also connect it to modern-day politicians like Trump. Students need to be educated on the rise of dictators and the consequences that can be faced if they are not stopped. Although The Rise of the Führer does not provide a solution on how to stop a dictator, the paper analyzes how easily the masses can be controlled. 

Bullock, A. (1991). Hitler: A study in tyranny. HarperCollins.

Carr, W. (1978). Hitler: A study in personality and politics. Hodder Education.

Hitler, A. (2015). Mein Kampf (R. Manheim, Trans.). CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform. (Original work published 1925)

Stein, G. (1968). Hitler. Spectrum Books.


[1] George Stein’s Hitler, 14

[2] Stein’s Hitler Introduction, 1

[3] Stein’s, 4

[4] Stein, 13

[5] Stein, 78

[6] Stein, 88

[7] Stein, 106

[8] William Carr’s Hitler: A Study in Personality and Politics

[9] Carr, 152

[10] Bullock, 32

[11] Bullock 40

[12] Bullock, 60

[13] Bullock, 63

Why was the A-Bomb Used?

J. Robert Oppenheimer and other leading physicists took part in the Manhattan Project during the Second World War, which led to the first atomic bomb being dropped in the history of the world. To gauge the question on whether or not the U.S. should have dropped two atomic bombs on Japanese cities Hiroshima and Nagasaki, there needs to be a clear understanding on the history of this argument. One decision needed to be made, either having the atomic bomb as a threat or using the atomic bomb for the means of mass destruction. Physicists such as Oppenheimer and Albert Einstein felt that during the 1940s, during and after World War II, that this atomic bomb dropping would start a chain reaction amongst nations that would lead to a worldwide arms race. Decades later historian writers such as Richard Rhodes and Anthony Brown understood the use of the atomic bombs would prove costly as their years of research post-World War II examine how the after effects of nuclear sickness and nuclear warfare would outweigh the benefits of immediately ending World War II with the use of an atomic bomb.  When it came to the person who would have to make this decision, President Harry Truman decided to drop the first bomb on a Japanese city to justify the amount of time and money invested into the Manhattan project, while also ending the war immediately. With that being said, many questioned the usage of this bomb and with the primary sources and monographs acquired for this paper, there is a clear argument for the decisions made by Harry Truman. I will argue that Harry Truman wanted to use the bomb for an unnecessary desire to end World War II against a weak Axis powered alliance, and that Franklin D. Roosevelt wanted possession of the bomb to avoid the continuation of World War II and a future arms race.  

            Secondary educational history teachers would use this topic to show students how an inquiry-based question can be formed and answered. It is not the topic per say that is the focus for students, rather the ability to take an event/argument from our history and make it into a different argument based off of the research conducted. Once students realize that factual evidence allows history to be picked apart and formed into a new argument, their possibilities are unlimited. With this topic in mind, the U.S. can conclude that FDR had the desire to drop the atomic bomb on Nazi Germany and any other strong Axis Powers that was an immediate threat to the U.S. nation. FDR knew the ability of the atomic bomb and would not have dropped it unless it was needed. When Truman entered office after the death of FDR, he was clueless on the power of the atomic bomb. That is not an understatement, Harry Truman did not have nearly enough information on the atomic bomb as FDR did. Thus, for the reasons listed below, I believe FDR would not have dropped the atomic bomb on the two Japanese cities, Hiroshima and Nagasaki.  

            While arguing that Harry Truman wanted to use the bomb for an unnecessary desire to end World War II against a weak Axis powered alliance, and that Franklin D. Roosevelt wanted possession of the bomb to avoid the continuation of World War II and a future arms race, there needs to be an understanding of all information about this argument. During the creation of the bomb there were already questions regarding the atomic bomb dropping decision because Nazi Germany looked weak. Throughout the end of World War II physicists such as Oppenheimer and Edward Teller suggested to take caution with this decision not only on the fact that citizens would die, but that the U.S. would start the means of a different type of warfare. Looking forward to a decade later in the late 50s, historians such as Michael Armine argued Truman didn’t take the proper precautionary measures and this led to what all physicists feared, a different means of warfare. As mentioned above, historians Richard Rhodes and Anthony Brown studied the bomb droppings and published their views 50 years after the bombing of the two Japanese cities. They saw firsthand how the fears Oppenheimer and Teller had become true and that the U.S. lived in fear for decades after. Within many pieces of evidence found within this question, came caution that many made President Truman aware of. Truman, who was left in the dark about the atomic bomb until a few months before dropping one, had the means to end World War II without looking at the consequences. FDR had the means to use this bomb, when need be, a decision he would have gone against due to many memorandums and petitions received about the dangers of this atomic bomb. It is obvious the Allied powers would have won without these bombs, there were other strategies to be made such as naval blockades. These alternate strategies would have saved hundreds of thousands of Japanese citizens. 

            Harry Truman was born in Lamar, Missouri and served as a captain in the Field Artillery during World War I. Truman was born into independence as his family were farmers who relied on agriculture to survive. His political career started as a county judge and twenty years later in 1934 was elected to the U.S. Senate. In this new role, he supported President Roosevelt’s New Deal programs, which aimed to remove any continuation of the Great Depression in America.

When the death of Franklin D. Roosevelt came about, Truman became the 33rd president of the U.S. and during this time authorized the first and only use of atomic bombs in warfare.[1]

Harry Truman’s decision to drop two atomic bombs on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki has led to a question concerning his credibility to make this decision with such limited knowledge of the atomic bomb with its many deadly and consequential outcomes. The development of the atomic bomb was studied from start to finish by historians; a cause for concern was the fact that the leading moderator, Franklin D. Roosevelt, died before the decision of dropping any atomic bombs was made. The historiography of this study changes as more information and opinions are formed. Moreover, as one could imagine it was a split decision among politicians in 1945, regarding the employment of the atomic bomb. 

As for the people, things were different in the aftermath of the dropping of the atomic bomb. Studies showed that a Gallup poll taken after the two bombs were dropped in August 1945 found that 85 percent of Americans supported the bombings, 10 percent were opposed to them, and 5 percent had no opinion. Directly after the two bombs were dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki the citizens of America supported Truman’s decision on ending World War II. The lack of evidence and knowledge from the average American citizen in 1945 was alarming, due to the fact that many physicists such as J. Robert Oppenheimer, Albert Einstein, and Leo Szilard felt this decision would lead to the loss of innocent civilian lives, as well as the emergence of the threat of nuclear warfare. It’s also interesting to think about this situation because a serious cause for concern was civilian causalities, yet the citizens of the U.S. still believed the bombing of these Japanese cities was justified.

  During the summer of 1945 there was no shortage of information for civilians as the Szilard Petition made headway before any bombs were dropped by the U.S. The Szilard Petition was created by Hungarian physicist Leo Szilard and tried to show how the development of atomic power will provide the nations with new means of destruction. The atomic bomb at the disposal of the U.S. or any given nation threatens the existence of the whole world. Not to mention its destructive power it poses during the creation of the atomic bomb. Szilard writes this petition and agrees that the atomic bomb shouldn’t be used because the U.S. is opening the door on a new era of warfare, thus leading to mass destruction on an unimaginable scale. This petition suggests a warning to the U.S. government as the stage will be set for nuclear warfare in the future. Not only will the stage be set, but the U.S. will have the responsibility for this. With that being said, Szilard will ask President Truman the following, “in view of the foregoing, we, the undersigned, respectfully petition that you exercise your power as Commander-in-Chief, to rule that the United States shall not resort to the use of atomic bombs in this war…”[2] Politicians suggested to Truman to wait on a Japanese response after the U.S. accounted they have this weapon. Even from the beginning opinions were split in the summer of 1945, one that led to the decision to drop the first atomic bomb on an opposing nation. 

With the information above that Franklin D. Roosevelt had on the atomic bomb there was a greater chance he would have used the atomic bomb more as a visual threat, letting other nations view the power the U.S. possessed, as opposed to actually using the atomic bomb. Many questioned Truman, as even during his own presidency interim committee camp reports written by Oppenheimer himself to President Truman explained how he should “protect the world,” instead of showing a lust for power over other rivaled nations. Oppenheimer writes directly to President Truman in a memorandum and “recommends that before the weapons are used not only Britain, but also Russia, France, and China be advised that we have made considerable progress in our work on atomic weapons…”[3] In Oppenheimer’s direct message to President Truman he’s not only arguing the use of the atomic bomb, but emphasizing the importance of letting other nations know what their plans are so cause less conflict in the world. Oppenheimer, as well as Szilard, let the president know they are open for helping out with this issue as an improvement of international relations would greatly help their war efforts. With Truman’s decision on dropping the two atomic bombs, he was criticized for not making the decision as a whole when it came to the allied powers during World War II. This situation connects back to the statement that Truman wanted to use the bomb on another nation, while FDR wanted the bomb to strictly send a message. A memorandum was sent to Truman, after the death of FDR. Historians argue FDR would have agreed with the first half of this message as “Those who advocate a purely technical demonstration would wish to outlaw the use of atomic weapons and have feared that if we use the weapons now our position in future negotiations will be prejudiced.”[4] The reasoning behind this belief is because FDR’s goal was to use the bomb on a powerful Nazi Germany nation and Japan if that decision needed to be made. Historians argue that Truman, along with others, “emphasize the opportunity of saving American lives by immediate military use…”5 Truman believed that the action being made on bombing Japanese cities would eliminate the threat as a whole, thus saving American lives. Truman and other believers of the atomic bomb want to use this technology as a demonstration to other nations that they have a powerful weapon. The U.S. saw no other means towards the end of World War II and thought that this direct military use was the way to go. With the use of this primary source above, a split developed as demonstrated by the two different sides of the argument, thus concluding FDR wanted the bomb to show as a threat, while Truman wanted to use the bomb no matter what the consequences.

  Harry Truman’s decision to drop two atomic bombs on Japanese cities Hiroshima and Nagasaki, led to a question concerning his credibility to make this decision with such limited knowledge of the atomic bomb with its many deadly and consequential outcomes. Looking ahead to over a decade later in the year 1960, which is also the date of publication of my first monograph, the examination and history of the dropping of the atomic bomb has changed as the historiography is affected by more information. A growing number of citizens along with other politicians and physicists disagreed with Truman’s decision once they received reports on the destruction and number of casualties in Japan, as well as the rising threat of nuclear war. There was a clear understanding that the atomic bomb was an “absolute weapon” and one that would be produced around the world by other threating nations. 

With this additional information, there’s a desire to examine the information Franklin D. Roosevelt had on this bomb and how his decision may have differed from Truman’s decision to use the atomic bomb twice. There’s evidence that leans towards this decision not being made by FDR as other physicists such as Niels Bohr who wrote to President Roosevelt in a memorandum stating that, “it certainly surpasses (atomic energy) the imagination of anyone to survey the consequences of the project in years to come…” Bohr says this to President Roosevelt to show his skepticism on what the physicists have created as this power source is nothing they’d ever had. Not only that, but Bohr writes to President Roosevelt in fear that in the long run, other nations will obtain this power. Other nations with the means of mass destruction or world domination. Regardless of whether other nations create the bomb, the actual making and testing of the bomb is dangerous enough. This message itself doesn’t focus on the dangers of the atomic bomb, Bohr talks about the threat the bomb holds by simply possessing it, along with other nations who have different ideological goals for their prosperity. This was a direct message to President Roosevelt and with these primary sources there is clear evidence that backs the argument President Roosevelt wanted this bomb for the threat alone. With the information President Roosevelt received about the deadly power of the atomic bomb, such as nuclear fission, impurities, and uranium, one would argue his decision would differ from Truman’s.

Physicists also argued against Truman about the containment of this bomb and how a chain reaction can be caused in two ways. One way being with a mass explosion that destroys the world, and the other chain reaction is the actions taken by other nations. Ever since the possibilities of releasing atomic energy on a vast scale came in sight, “much thought has naturally been given to the question of control… The terrifying prospect of a future competition between nations about a weapon of such formidable character can only be avoided through a universal agreement in true confidence.”[5] A decade and a half later the historiography on the opinions of the bomb being dropped has changed due to additional information being provided to the historians and the public, leading to the opinions of the citizens from 1945 changing with regards to Truman’s decision.  This historiography on Truman’s decision to drop the bomb continues to change over the years, leading to a question of his credibility in making this decision with such limited knowledge of the atomic bomb with its many deadly and consequential outcomes. Looking ahead three decades later to the 1990s, which is also the year of my second monograph, the opinions of the people are essentially evenly split, differing from years in the past where one side was heavily favored over the other. By 1995, fifty years after Hiroshima and Nagasaki, many American citizens supported an alternative decision, other than the atomic bomb dropping. Americans felt if the decision was left up to them to drop the two atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, half said they would try another way. It took 50 years to split these opinions, arguably because they read about the mass terror that struck throughout Japan on Japanese citizens. However, the other half of respondents still agree with the atomic bomb droppings. This other half that supported the atomic bomb droppings also supported President Truman’s thought process because they felt the over desire to end World War II. There’s no argument against this thought process as it was a long war for the U.S., however Japan was a dying nation towards the end of World War II. The U.S. would have blocked Japan from the outside world with naval blockades and starved them.

There were other ways to end the war instead of nuking these two cities and creating a mass genocide. The argument needed to be made in this situation was if this bombing was justified. U.S. citizens are understanding this decision more as time goes on and it is seen with the changing of opinions of the people in the U.S. In 1945, 85% of citizens supported the bomb dropping, and in the 90s, it dropped down to more than half of U.S. citizens. This percentage dropped due to time; historians were able to form more opinions on the direct impact of the atomic bomb dropping. There was a fear of nuclear warfare that was imagined back in 1945, now being in the1990s the U.S. experienced the Cold War, and the impact of a decision made almost fifty years ago. 

Taking a different approach to this opinion matters; the thoughts of physicists and politicians are important but a complete approach to this must also focus on a military mindset. Military strategist Bernard Brodie believed that “the urgency of finding solutions to the transitional problem created by the atomic bomb was present…”[6] A solution to this matter would be to put polices on place, ones that protect the nation under any future atomic attacks. Certain circumstances can arise in the future and the best course of action the U.S. can take is having protection. This is why historians and physicists would disagree with Truman’s decision because the cons outweigh the pros, possibility a nuclear war. Brodie would agree with this statement. The historiography changes throughout the fifty years post-World War II, showing the effect that historians have on pivotal matters in U.S. history. This leads to understanding why one would believe Truman’s decision was undesirable and dangerous, while a decision by Franklin D. Roosevelt would have led to a different, more favorable outcome. 

Harry Truman’s decision to drop two atomic bombs on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, led to a question of his credibility to make this decision with such limited knowledge of the atomic bomb with its many deadly and consequential outcomes. A 2015Pew Research Center surveyfinds that 56% of the American population believe that the use of the two atomic bombs on the Japanese cities was a justified action, while 34% say this action was terrible. However, the divide between opinions is specific, it deals with age. Not surprisingly, there is a division between the ages of Americans 65 and older and the other percent being the age of 20s. About seven-in-ten Americans above the age of 65 agree the use of the atomic bombs were justified, while the younger generation, around 47%, argue this was an unfit action. With this information there is evidence of an age gap between those who believe the U.S. should or should not have dropped the bomb on the Japanese cities. With more information accessed by a younger generation the more they can see the unwillingness of Truman to realize the future of the U.S. could be in danger. This unwillingness from Truman to realize the future damage stemmed from the desire to put an immediate end to World War II. 

From a historical perspective, the historiography continues to change as the decision to bomb the two Japanese cities was unpopular, and Truman knew this based on a letter he received from physicists within the Manhattan Project. In a petition to Present Truman they wrote, “We are not to resort to the use of atomic bombs in the present phase of the war, at least not unless the terms which will be imposed upon Japan after the war are publicly announced and subsequently Japan is given an opportunity to surrender.”[7] This was certainly a popular opinion, especially because as the decades went on many historians questioned if Truman gave Japan enough time to surrender, as they only gave Japan three days to assess this new power. Many historians say no, and most physicists say no because they know that atomic bombs are primarily a means for the ruthless annihilation of cities and nations get rid of one quote. Thus, putting the factor of atomic warfare into the world, putting every nation at risk. 

With this information on hand there is a clear argument to be made that Harry Truman wanted to use the bomb for an unnecessary desire to show power against power-house nations, including the Soviet Union, and that Franklin D. Roosevelt wanted possession of the bomb to avoid the continuation of World War II and a future arms race. The development of the atomic bomb was important for an American and Allied victory in World War II, however at this point it is well known that atomic power will provide the nations with new means of destruction. With this information in the hands of the President of the United States, it’s hard to believe there was still a decision needed to be made. With the people of the U.S. now having this information completely in the 2000s, the 85% of people who supported the bomb dropping in 1945 dropped down to about half the people. With a president like Franklin D. Roosevelt, one who had great connection in the Manhattan Project, there would have been a more logical decision.       As historians continue to study the decisions made on the atomic bomb, the more histography changes over the decades. Harry Truman wanted to use the bomb for an unnecessary desire to show power against power-house nations, including the Soviet Union, and Franklin D. Roosevelt wanted possession of the bomb to avoid the continuation of World War II and avoid a future arms race. The differing opinions of historians over a 50-year span is shown through different books. British historian Anthony Brown’s book, The Secret History of the Atomic Bomb (1997), gives insight on the making and science behind the atomic bomb during the Manhattan Project, while also emphasizing the importance of security amongst the physicists on the testing site. During the Manhattan Project, Brown found the security within the testing site to be key for the protection of this device and the U.S.

The science behind the bomb such as nuclear fission, impurities, and uranium led Brown to argue this great power needed to be kept in check, and most importantly in the hands of the U.S. elites. While Brown’s book talks about the science behind the bomb, science writer Michael Armine’s monograph, The Great Decision (1959), dives into the question of whether Truman wanted to have the bomb for the wrong reasons, resulting in his dropping of the bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. There was growing insight into the fact that Truman was left in the dark during the making of the atomic bomb, leading historians to ask if this was a premature decision to end the war or show the power he possessed.

Lastly, American historian Richard Rhodes’ monograph, The Making of the Atomic Bomb (1986), talks about how having an atomic bomb, and its threat, is different than using it on another nation. The threat of nuclear warfare was too great, leading Rhodes to argue against Truman’s decision.

            Michael Armine is a scientific writer who had a deep interest in the study of the atomic bomb because of his father’s historical background. Armine enjoyed combining his interests and his father’s work, thus fell upon the study of the atomic bomb. After World War II, Armine managed the publicity campaign for the Federation of Atomic Scientists and later was director of public education for Brookhaven Laboratory, a peacetime research center of the Atomic Energy Commission… “He is a consultant for the American Psychological Association, the Air Research and Development Command of the U.S. Air Force, and other scientific agencies.”[8]

Armine’s accolades support his work in The Great Decision, which highlights the decision making of the Atomic Bomb in World War II. 

Michael Armine’s The Great Decision (1959), is the closest book published to the dropping of both the atomic bombs on Japanese cities Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Armine questions Truman throughout his book to show the uncertainty Truman had during the creation of the atomic bomb. Armine portrays his argument by asking questions throughout the book like, “Why did Truman not know of the A-bomb project when he became president, only 116 days before Hiroshima?”[9] Pointing out Truman’s flaws and uncertainties throughout the book strengthens the argument of his blindness to the science and the “atomic curtain.”[10] Armine even questions why Truman had the sole decision and responsibility to drop this atomic bomb when in reality it was an “allied project.”

Truman, not relying on the opinion of other allied nations concerning the atomic bomb dropping raises suspicion on Truman’s thought process and desires. Franklin D. Roosvelt wanted the atomic bomb for the axis powered Nazi Germany and Japanese nations, this threat was believed to be big enough for other nations to back down; the threat of posing this weapon was great enough. However, Truman wanted to use this weapon, twice.              Michael Armine’s interpretation of the atomic bomb dropping supports the idea that Harry Truman wanted to use the bomb, while Franklin D. Roosvelt wanted possession of the atomic bomb. General Eisenhower’s opinion was also squandered as Truman ignored his plea for peace around the world. Armine understands this is a world war; however, the dropping of this bomb led to his own, and Eisenhower’s, belief that this action would increase the threat of an arms race or even nuclear warfare. There was a psychological aspect Armine and Eisenhower believed would be strong enough to force Japan into a surrender rather than risk future conflicts. This is seen in a memorandum sent to General Grooves that the “two aspects of this are (1) obtaining the greatest psychological effect against Japan and (2) making the initial use sufficiently spectacular for the importance of the weapon to be internationally recognized when publicity on it is released.”[11] The psychological factors that played into this decision were enough for leading politicians like FDR and General Eisenhower. The immediate threat posed by this decision was too great a risk for the nation’s safety. 

            Richard Rhodes is an American Historian and author who wrote the book The Making of the Atomic Bomb. Rhodes also won a “Pulitzer Prize in Nonfiction, The Making of the Hydrogen Bomb, which was shortlisted for a Pulitzer Prize in History; and two further volumes on nuclear history.[12] Rhodes’ many awards and achievements help to establish his credibility regarding the history of the atomic bomb and create a good argument suitably denying President Truman’s decision on dropping two atomic bombs. Rhodes’ well-rounded education helps with his argument in his book The Making of the Atomic Bomb.

            Richard Rhodes monograph, The Making of the Atomic Bomb (1986), is written about forty years after the atomic bomb was dropped and talks about how having an atomic bomb, and its threat, is different than using it on another nation. The threat of nuclear warfare was too great, leading Rhodes to question Truman’s decision strictly on a scientific level. Rhodes describes his idea on how the pace of the making of the atomic bomb is ‘frightening.’ Rhodes says the discovery of microbes is a punishment from God because during the closing days of World War II, “marked a turning point in human history, a point of entry into a new era when humankind for the first time acquired the means of its own destruction.”[13] For President Truman to make this decision essentially with little information, Rhodes questions why he had the desire to drop two bombs on Japan. Rhodes upholds this view mentioning how the Manhattan Project is only known by scientist peers such as Oppenheimer, Teller, Bohr, and others. General Eisenhower, who was also not fully aware of the Manhattan Project, agrees with Rhodes’ point and describes the bomb as a “physical force, it was morally indifferent and could just as easily serve evil purposes as good.”[14] While Rhodes talks about the science behind this bomb it’s difficult for him to disagree with this statement because he believes the release of nuclear energy would not only cause mass genocide immediately in Japan, but also lead to the aftereffects of the radiation, causing long term illnesses for Japanese citizens. 

            Rhodes continues to agree with the argument that Truman made an undesirable decision for his U.S. nation because of the threat posed in the future for the U.S. and Japanese citizens. With Rhodes’ knowledge of FDR’s commitment and awareness of the atomic bomb he subscribes to the argument that FDR would not have dropped the atomic bomb. While Rhodes doesn’t directly say this, he mentions how “the release of nuclear energy, and its application to build weapons of mass destruction, has gradually changed how total war is based…”[15] Even nations who are poorer than others have the means and desire to create nuclear weapons themselves due to the portability of these weapons, and more importantly, how they can act as a defense mechanism for their nations. 

There was a deeper meaning Rhodes waned to portray to the audience; he wanted to show how the bomb was created and how dense this line of work was during the Manhattan Project. However, after considering all of the scientific aspects, he mentions firsthand stories of civilians during the dropping of both of the atomic bombs. These stories suit the argument made against Truman. Rhodes finds it difficult to believe that with Japan on the brink of collapse that FDR, with all of his knowledge of Project Trinity, would have dropped the bomb on a dying nation. These stories consist of survivors who had painful lives, or citizens who survived the initial blast of the atomic bomb but passed away years later. A priest named Father Kopp was standing outside; he was about to head home after a long day of work. Father Kopp suddenly became “aware of the light, felt a wave of heat, and a large blister formed on his hand. A white burn with the formation of a bleb is a grade-four burn…”[16] His burn took over a year to fully heal, and the bleeding on his calves swelled up, changing his life forever. A junior-college girl described the events she experienced as “the vicinity was in pitch darkness; from the depths of the gloom, bright red flames rise crackling and spread moment by moment. The faces of my friends who just before were working energetically are now burned and blistered, their clothes torn to rags… they remained paralyzed with terror.”[17] Rhodes added these stories to the end of his monograph to substantiate his claim against President Truman and points out that the physicists who petitioned against the bombing are the real heroes. It struck a nerve with Rhodes that at times the physicists who worked on this project were blamed for the death and trauma experienced by the Japanese citizens. In this case, Rhodes is biased in favor of the physicists as he supported their thoughts and scientific approach throughout the entirety of the Manhattan Project. However, there was little to no support with Truman’s decision, backing the argument that FDR would not have dropped these bombs with the information he had. 

Rhodes’ final criticisms put to shame Truman’s actions on dropping the two atomic bombs on Japan, describing his action as an attempt to gain power amongst the world powers. Rhodes examines Truman’s “lust” for power during World War II and will argue that Truman didn’t just want to end World War II, he wanted to send a message. Rhodes believes Truman knew how his actions would weigh out, thus writing about a children’s point of view on this mass genocide. A seventeen-year-old girl tells her story and says, “I walked past Hiroshima Station… and saw people with their bowels and brains coming out… I saw an old lady carrying a suckling infant in her arms… I saw many children… with dead mothers… I just cannot put into words the horror I felt.”[18] Another young boy speaks and says “I was walking among dead people…it was like hell. The sight of a living horse burning was striking.”[19] A young schoolgirl saw “a man without feet, walking on his ankles, she remembers a man with his eyes sticking out about two inches called me by name and I felt sick… people’s bodies were tremendously swollen- you can’t imagine how a big human body can swell up.”[20] Rhodes brings a completely different aspect to his storytelling with these first-hand stories and points out the obvious to those who supported the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Those who supported the bombing just years after World War II were ashamed of the end of this monograph. Rhodes’ thoughts on

Truman’s goals for dropping the bomb, showing powerhouse nations such as the Soviet Union what the U.S. has, was shameful. For these reasons, the argument is made that FDR would have used the existence of the bomb as a deterrent against a dying Japanese nation, as opposed to the actual employment of the bomb as Truman did.

Secondary educational history teachers would use this topic specifically in their classroom because it is an argumentative topic and affects the U.S. today. Besides secondary educational history teachers using this topic to show students how inquiry-based questions are formed, they can also use this topic to show the after effects of the dropping of two atomic bombs. After World War II came the Cold War, it was a direct impact of the two droppings of the atomic bombs on Japanese cities. Since the Cold War, the whole world has lived in fear of a nuclear war. With that being said, introducing a topic to students on an issue that was 50 years ago and still affects their nation today is one they can grasp. Any time students hear the phrase “nuclear warfare,” they can look no further than the actions the U.S. committed to in 1945. 

Anthony Brown is a British historian who writes about the history of the atomic bomb and British and U.S. military strategies.  Brown was born in Bath, England, he served in the “Royal Air Force. He became a journalist for the ‘Daily Mail’ in London. In 1962, Brown emigrated to Washington, D.C., where he had a career as a journalist.”[21] With Anthony Brown’s background his contributions to this argument are key to understanding the decision behind the dropping of the atomic bomb on the two Japanese cities. 

Anthony Brown’s, The Secret of the Atomic Bomb (1997), gives insight into the making and the science behind the atomic bomb during the Manhattan Project, while also emphasizing the importance of security amongst the physicists on the testing site. Brown’s spin on his argument is showing how important security was within the Manhattan Project because the information within was dangerous if ascertained by other nations. The author believes that the creation of this bomb was important for a U.S. victory over the Axis powered nations; however, as Brown wrote this book fifty years after the dropping of two atomic bombs it helps him understand the science behind the bomb, understanding how the threat of possessing the bomb was exactly what they needed. Brown would argue against Truman’s decision because opening up this power to the world is dangerous. The science behind the bomb such as nuclear fission, impurities, and uranium led Brown to argue this great power needed to be kept in check, and most importantly remain in the hands of the U.S. elite.

Brown will argue against Truman’s decision to drop the two bombs on Japanese cities strictly because of the threat of exposing the world to this type of warfare. Brown mentions throughout his book how the physicists panicked during the Manhattan Project because they were in a virtual race against the clock with Nazi Germany. This led Brown to believe at times the physicists were sloppy, leading to dangerous situations of either exposure within the camp or a mistake in the making of the bomb. The physicists encountered many obstacles which caused them to “change certain divisions that work on specific aspects of the bomb. The changing of divisions such as G, X, and R led to the Technical Board Committee to deem parts of this program inadequate to handle technical problems within the laboratory.”[22] The reason Brown mentions this sense of panic within the camp is because of the connection made at the end of his book concerning the uncertainty of President Truman. Once this bomb was successfully created, news of a spy surfaced within the Manhattan Project, and when Truman heard of this, Brown believed from then on, that any decision seemed drastic. 

Brown believed the information on the threat of the atomic bomb to the world and the nation’s future was ignored by Truman, thus leading to a hasty decision of using the bomb on Japan. One of Brown’s chapters is named “The New Project,” and this chapter is all about the decisions made in the summer of 1945. With Truman’s limited information on the atomic bomb, he explains why a president, such as FDR, would have used the bomb as a threat, mostly because he knew of the long-lasting danger posed by its very existence. FDR was aware that a possible “chain reaction does or does not go depends on the result of a competition among four processes: (1) escape; (2) non-fission capture by uranium; (3) non fission capture by impurities; (4) fission on captured impurities.”24 The main reason for FDR was to have made the bomb and use it against Nazi Germany and Japan. Although FDR was alive during the collapse of Nazi Germany, the bomb hadn’t been finished yet and other measures would have been explored. This can be seen in a memorandum that mentions, “at one point the President raised the question of whether this means should actually be used against the Japanese or whether it should be used only as a threat with full-scale experimentation in this country. He did so, I believe, in connection with Bohr’s apparent urging that a threat be employed against Germany, which would of course, I think, be futile.…”[23] FDR avoided this question a good number of times because it was too early to determine if this action was necessary. There were full beliefs from all of the authors above that with the information FDR had received from physicists on the Manhattan Project he would not have made the decision to deploy the bomb. FDR would have preferred to use the atomic bomb as a threat, while Truman, as Brown mentions, wanted to use the bomb on a full-scale level showing how powerful the U.S. can be.

Brown mentions how propaganda was used throughout Japan the day after the first bombing of Hiroshima. The main goal of using propaganda was for the Japanese nation to show how evil the U.S. was, almost making it seem like Japan had done nothing wrong during World War II. The Japanese used this propaganda effectively because they wanted to establish a bias towards their victimization, when in reality the aggressive action by the Japanese constituted a major factor in the U.S. decision to join World War II. However, some of this use of propaganda was truly a call for help and this supports Brown’s argument against President Truman. The Japanese showed the world the massacre they endured with the “distribution of 500,000 copies of Japanese newspapers containing stories and pictures of the atomic-bomb strike.”[24] This propaganda campaign continued and small 15-minute intervals of Japanese broadcasts during the first bombing of Japan made it to the public eye. Many also question whether or not Truman gave the Japanese enough time to surrender as they dropped the second bomb only days after the first. President Truman defends his decision-making and claims he made this decision to save the lives of U.S soldiers and end the war as soon as possible. Whether or not historians believe this is true, it is difficult to argue with the fact that President Truman was warned by many physicists that he should proceed with caution in making this decision. 

Throughout Michael Armine’s, The Great Decision (1959), there is key information provided that disagrees with Truman’s viewpoint of the dropping of two atomic bombs on the Japanese cities.The basis of his question comes strictly from the average person’s point of view because he asks the simple questions such as questioning Truman’s decision with such limited information, and whether Truman ever consulted with other Allied powered nations or American generals. Armine asks these valid questions; however, due to the date of publication he hardly has any facts to validate his statements. Armine is simply asking questions, while the other two books listed above talk about the importance of the science behind the bomb, information those authors received due to publishing their books forty plus years later. During this time about 80% of American citizens believed the dropping of the atomic bomb was justified; however, these opinions were based on limited information about this bomb.

Armine’s thoughts on this bomb shouldn’t be dismissed, the questions he asks are crucial to American history, but he fails to provide any scientific backing.  He was still asking questions such as “is this bomb called a super bomb? Should the bomb be dropped, as a demonstration, on uninhabited territory? Could other countries make such bombs?”[25] Even when Armine does take a statistical approach, he mentions how the science behind this atomic bomb should serve as protection to the U.S. but doesn’t address how dangerous these substances are. The closet Armine approaches the fear factor in this book is when he mentions how “Szilard and his colleagues were thinking of the atom bomb in 1939. In 1945 they were having nightmares of the atom bomb in World War III.”[26] Unfortunately, the closest Armine gets into the dangers of the atomic bomb is talking about how the physicists feared its being used in a future World War III conflict. However, the questions he asks are important for the reader’s information on the atomic bomb, thus disagreeing with Truman’s plans to drop two bombs on a weak Japanese nation.  

Both Anthony Brown’s, The Secret History of the Atomic Bomb (1977), and Richard Rhodes, The Making of the Atomic Bomb (1986), have similar methodology due to their dates of publication being within ten years of each other. Both authors mention the science behind their reasoning for opposing the bomb droppings, and as a result, they are slightly biased to be against President Truman. As both authors had forty plus years to write their books, many memorandums and committee reports were made available to the public on a large scale. While this information is important for any decision on the bomb, it was used too heavily throughout the books and failed to ask any deep-rooted questions on how other physicists, politicians, and allies felt. After researching the dropping of the atomic bomb, it’s important to get the full picture to truly understand the reasoning behind it. If the reader read only these two books, The Secret History of the Atomic Bomb and The Making of the Atomic Bomb, they’d fail to understand the reasoning and support for dropping the two bombs. The argument being made is that President Truman made a quick and undesirable decision to end World War II immediately, however there should be no argument presented that Truman made this action with thoughts of vengeance or anger. If someone read these two books, they’d assume President Truman was an unfit president to follow FDR. The audience understood FDR’s backing of the development of the atomic bomb and the information he received during his presidency was far greater than  Truman’s. This shouldn’t be the end all and be all; President Truman and his staff believed the ending of this war was crucial, and they had the best interest of the U.S. at heart, at the time. 

During the summer of 1945 President Truman believed the dropping of the two atomic bombs was a fit decision to end World War II and bring home American troops. However, the benefits of The Secret History of the Atomic Bomb and The Making of the Atomic Bomb, show how this decision would prove costly in the future. Unlike Michael Armine’s, The Great Decision, these two books talk about the dangers Truman understood might be incurred by Japan and other responding nations. This viewpoint helps any learner understand that the actions of President Truman resulted in consequences for the U.S. for decades to follow. Rhodes believed that all factors weren’t looked at by President Truman because he had an uneasy pressure to end

World War II. Truman also needed to justify the money invested into the atomic bomb project, “the bomb was also to be used to pay for itself, to justify to congress the investment of $2 billion…”[27] President Truman’s decision to drop two atomic bombs on the Japanese cities seemed careless. There was no regard for how this decision could pan out in the future. Even Allied leader Winston Churchill agreed with President Truman and summarized the atomic bomb use in World War II as such, “to bring the war to an end, to give peace to the world, to lay healing hands upon its tortured peoples by a manifestation of overwhelming power at the cost of a few explosions, seemed, after all our tolls and perils, a miracle of deliverance.”[28] To use the words “at the cost of a few explosions” summarizes the thought process between the two leaders. There is no disagreement that the Allied powers paid their tolls during World War II, but to cause suffering of hundreds of thousands of citizens in Japan shouldn’t add up to “a few explosions.” As mentioned before, there was an unnecessary desire for Truman to end World War II the way he did as he didn’t account for the near future. 

As Rhodes continues to talk about Truman’s decision to drop two atomic bombs on the Japanese cities, he mentions how this barbaric choice was opposed by generals and staff who were linked close to the atomic bomb in the summer of 1945. There was a different psychological feeling the president had at the time, including American citizens they felt, “free to use and compelled to use a new weapon of mass destruction on civilians in undefended cities. It was the psychology of the American people. I. I. Rabi, an American physicist who discovered nuclear magnetic resonance, explained how eventually it wasn’t just the military involved with this decision, the decision was “backed by the American people.” There was impatience looming in America that merged with the desire to end the war, that supported this decision. Thus, explaining why the Gallup Poll taken in 1945 showed that over 80% of American citizens supported the bomb droppings in Japan. Even after the two bombs were dropped The Smyth Report, the official report on the development of the atomic bomb under the auspices of the United States Government, was released and stated that “the average citizen cannot be expected to understand clearly how an atomic bomb is constructed or how it works but there is in this country a substantial group of engineers and scientists who can understand such things and who can explain the potentialities of atomic bombs to their fellow citizens.”[29] To use the backing of American citizens for the decision to drop two atomic bombs was unjust. It’s also interesting to Rhodes that U.S. citizens would allow two bombs to be dropped on Japan that would kill thousands of Japanese citizens. 

Anthony Brown backs Rhodes’ claims on President Truman’s actions being costly because it puts the U.S. nation in an immediate threat. As Brown talks about the science behind the atomic bomb, he mentions there being no end to this destruction. Brown argues that other power-house nations will continue this violence in the future with their own bombs while also finding possibilities to get bigger, or worse weapons. Brown’s take on releasing an atomic bomb into the world isn’t just the fear of another nation recreating it, but the fear of making a mistake.

There is a mentioning of how the “development of means predicting accurately the critical mass of active materials,”[30] and how a miscalculation of certain scattering data such as fission experiments could be deadly. Brown believes this is why the patent for the U.S. Manhattan Project took so long to be accepted because of the fear of worldly catastrophe. With Truman showing how powerful this bomb is, every nation in the world would want to recreate this invention and, in the process, destroy the world. Not only does it tease the U.S. competitors to make this deadly weapon, but in the process, they can destroy the world. The two authors suggest not using the bombs, rather presenting them as intimidation. Granted, both authors understand the indubitable desire for other nations to match the U.S. and create an atomic bomb for themselves, but there’s an argument to be made that there is less of a threat the bomb would be used by another nation against the U.S. if Truman decided not to drop the two bombs on Japan. 

            The argument made throughout this paper is that Harry Truman wanted to use the bomb for an unnecessary desire to end World War II against a weak Axis powered alliance, and that Franklin D. Roosevelt wanted possession of the bomb to avoid the continuation of World War II and a future arms race. The historiography speaks on this decision as fifty years’ worth of information confirms the physicists’ and politicians’ fears of a new means of mass destruction and an all-out arms race. This type of issue created a chain reaction conceived of by only a few who were shown to be correct. This chain reaction wasn’t scientific, it was political. Every nation had the means to create their own atomic bomb as they witnessed the first one being used on a dying Japanese nation during World War II. The two bombs dropped by President Truman killed hundreds of thousands of Japanese citizens and was considered mass genocide. Not only was there fear other nations would create this weapon, but there was also fear they could destroy the earth in the process of making the bomb and testing it. Within many pieces of evidence found concerning the question of whether or not to drop the atomic bomb on another nation, came caution that made President Truman aware. Truman, who was left in the dark about the atomic bomb until a few months before dropping one, had the means to end World War II without looking at the consequences. FDR had the means to use this bomb, when need be, a decision he would have gone against as evidenced by many memorandums and petitions received about the dangers of the atomic bomb. It is obvious the Allied powers would have won without these bombs, there were other strategies to be employed, such as naval blockades. These alternate strategies would have saved hundreds of thousands of Japanese citizens; therefore, fortifying the argument against President Truman’s decision. 

            Secondary educational history teachers would successfully use this argument to show two objectives for students. The first objective for students to learn is the beauty behind inquiry-based questions. History can be seen through any lens, as long as there is proper evidence to back the claim. To get a full understanding of history, a historian, or even student for that matter, should understand there are different angels of a “historical fact” or “historical event.” History is one of the only subjects where this is no definitive answer, there needs to be proof to back the argument. The second objective is for the topic itself, the dropping of two atomic bombs by the U.S. onto Japanese cities Hiroshima and Nagasaki. This is a prime reason for the threat of nuclear warfare today. Despite the atomic bomb being made by the Soviet Union just shortly after the U.S. dropped the bombs, all fingers point to the U.S. for introducing this type of power to the world. The U.S. is the only nation to drop an atomic bomb on another nation with aims to destroy them. J. Robert Oppenheimer was not just afraid of the creation of the atomic bomb, but who would eventually have their hands on one. The atomic bomb is a means for mass destruction and something that every person in the world may one day fear will destroy life as they know it. For students to understand how this history can affect their lives today is something worth teaching, and for the students, worth understanding. Learning from past mistakes is a crucial part of history, and for Harry Truman he may have made a mistake that will affect his nation decades later. 

Amrine, Michael, The Great Decision, (Van Rees Press: New York, 1959). 

Arneson, Gordon, “Atomic Archive,” Notes of the Interim Committee Meeting, 1945, Notes of the Interim Committee Meeting | The Manhattan Project | Historical Documents | atomicarchive.com.

Bohr, Niels, “Atomic Archive,” Niels Bohr’s Memorandum to President Roosevelt, 1944, Niels Bohr’s Memorandum to President Roosevelt | The Manhattan Project | Historical Documents | atomicarchive.com.

Brodie, Bernard, The Absolute Weapon; Atomic Power and World Order, March 25, 1946, THE ABSOLUTE WEAPON ATOMIC POWER AND WORLD ORDER ( COVERSHEET ATTACHED ).

Brown, Anothony, The Secret History of the Atomic Bomb, (New York, 1997). 

Brown, Anothny, “Georgetown University,” Anthony Cave Brown Papers, 2006, Collection:

Anthony Cave Brown Papers | Georgetown University Archival Resources.

Bush, V., “Atomic Archive,” Memorandum to Dr. Conant, 1944, Memorandum to Dr. Conant,

September 23, 1944 | The Manhattan Project | Historical Documents.

Derry, J. A., “Atomic Archive,” Summary of Target Committee Meetings, 1945, Target Committee Meetings | The Manhattan Project | Historical Documents | atomicarchive.com.

Johson, Lily, “History Hit,” Facts about Harry S. Truman, 2022, 10 Facts About Harry S. Truman | History Hit.  

Oppenheimer, Robert, “Atomic Archive,” Science Panel’s Report to the Interim Committee, 1945, Science Panel’s Report to the Interim Committee | The Manhattan Project | Historical Documents | atomicarchive.com.

Rhodes, Richards, The Making of the Atomic Bomb, (New York 1986).

Smyth, Hennry, “Atomic Archive,” Atomic Energy for Military Purposes (The Smyth Report),

1945, Atomic Energy for Military Purposes (The Smyth Report) | Historical Documents

Stokes, Bruce, “Pew Research Center,” 70 years after Hiroshima, opinions have shifted on use of atomic bomb, 2015, 70 years after Hiroshima, opinions have shifted on use of atomic bomb | Pew Research Center.

Szilard, Leo, “Atomic Archive,” Petition Request from Szilard to Edward Teller, 1945, Petition Request from Szilard to Edward Teller | The Manhattan Project | Historical Documents | atomicarchive.com. 


[1] History Hit, “Facts about Harry S. Truman,” 2022, 10 Facts About Harry S. Truman | History Hit

[2] “The Nuclear Museum,” last modified June 6th, 2014,  Debate over the Bomb Nuclear Museum.

[3] “Atomic Archive,” Last Modified June 16th, 1945, The Manhattan Project | Historical Documents.

[4] “Atomic Archive,” last modified June 16th, 1945, The Manhattan Project | Historical Documents. 5 “Atomic Archive,” last modified June 16th, 1945, The Manhattan Project | Historical Documents.

[5] “Atomic Archive,” last modified July, 1944, The Manhattan Project | Historical Documents.

[6] Bernard Brodie et al. “Jstor,” Atomic Power and World Order, 535, no 4 (1946), accessed November 13th, 2024, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1404606.

[7] “Atomic Archive,” last modified July 3rd, 1945, Leo Szilard’s Petition to the President | The Manhattan Project | Historical Documents | atomicarchive.com.

[8] Michael Armine, The Great Decision, (Van Rees Press: New York, 1959), 1.

[9] Michael Armine, The Great Decision, 1. 

[10] Michael Armine, The Great Decision, 24. 

[11] Atomic Archive, last modified 1945, Summary of Target Committee Meetings | The Manhattan Project | Historical Documents | atomicarchive.com.

[12] Richard Rhodes, last modified 2005, Richard Rhodes Welcome.

[13] Richard Rhodes, “The Making of the Atomic Bomb,” (New York 1986), 5.

[14] Bernard Brodie et al. “Jstor,” Atomic Power and World Order, 5, no 4 (1946), accessed December 10th,, 2024, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1404606

[15] Richard Rhodes, “The Making of the Atomic Bomb,” 6.

[16] Richard Rhodes, “The Making of the Atomic Bomb,” 716.

[17] Richard Rhodes, “The Making of the Atomic Bomb,” 716.

[18] Richard Rhodes, “The Making of the Atomic Bomb,” 722.

[19] Richard Rhodes, “The Making of the Atomic Bomb,” 722.  

[20] Richard Rhodes, “The Making of the Atomic Bomb,” 723.  

[21] Georgetown University, last modified February 2024, Collection: Anthony Cave Brown Papers | Georgetown University Archival Resources.

[22] Anthony Brown, “The Secret History of the Atomic Bomb,” (New York, 1997), 443.  24 Anothny Brown, “The Secret History on the Atomic Bomb,” 23. 

[23] Atomic Archive, last modified September 23rd, 1944, Memorandum to Dr. Conant, September 23, 1944 | The

Manhattan Project | Historical Documents

[24] Anothny Brown, “The Secret History on the Atomic Bomb,” 532.

[25] Michael Armine, The Great Decision, 83.

[26] Michael Armine, The Great Decision, 83.  

[27] Richard Rhodes, “The Making of the Atomic Bomb,” 697.

[28] Richard Rhodes, “The Making of the Atomic Bomb,” 697.

[29] “Atomic Archive,” last modified 1945, Atomic Energy for Military Purposes (The Smyth Report) | Historical Documents

[30] Anothny Brown, “The Secret History on the Atomic Bomb,” 370.

Reimagining AI in Social Studies: Four Educator Archetypes and the Path Forward

Michael Fullan’s 2011 paper Choosing the Wrong Drivers for Whole System Reform offered a powerful caution that still rings true today. Schools often rush to adopt new technology without the deeper instructional shifts needed to make it meaningful. Early in my teaching career, I saw this firsthand with the rollout of interactive whiteboards. The promise was exciting and the investment was significant, but the implementation fell short. Without the right training, support, and connection to instructional goals, many of those boards became little more than digital display tools.  They were not used the way they were intended, and the opportunity to transform teaching practice was largely missed.

We are at another crossroads. Just as interactive whiteboards once promised transformation but too often delivered status quo, AI now arrives with the potential to reshape how students think, write, and engage with civic life. Fullan reminds us that real, lasting change does not come from devices or tools alone. It comes from building instructional capacity, strengthening relationships, and creating coherent systems. In the age of AI, his warning is more relevant than ever. If we adopt these tools without clear purpose or thoughtful pedagogy, we risk repeating old mistakes with even more powerful technology.

In 2025, two major federal initiatives signaled a nationwide commitment to integrating generative artificial intelligence into education and educator development. In April, the White House issued Executive Order 14277, Advancing Artificial Intelligence Education for American Youth, which focused on expanding educator capacity and increasing student access to AI tools (Federal Register, 2025). Just months later, it released Winning the Race: America’s AI Action Plan, a strategy outlining more than 90 actions focused on expanding AI education, supporting teacher training, and ensuring equitable integration across learning environments (White House, 2025). While neither document names social studies directly, their emphasis on “fostering a culture of innovation and critical thinking” (Federal Register, 2025) has clear implications for K–12 social studies classrooms. Guidance from organizations such as the National Council for the Social Studies (NCSS), the International Society for Technology in Education (ISTE), and Common Sense Media reinforces the need for educators to critically evaluate tools, protect student data, and promote responsible use of generative AI. However, national ambitions alone won’t shape daily classroom practice – teachers will. And to do that effectively, we must start by understanding where each educator is on the journey. Some are skeptical of AI’s role in civic learning. Others are experimenting with basic tools. A few are already transforming their practice in bold, creative ways.

This article introduces a four-archetype framework: Skeptic, Novice, Designer, and Trailblazer, to capture the diverse ways social studies educators are engaging with AI, each reflecting a distinct mindset and stage of instructional readiness. Each archetype is grounded in practical, student-facing classroom examples designed to support critical thinking, historical inquiry, and civic reasoning in an AI-powered world.

“I want students to wrestle with complexity—not rely on shortcuts. AI worries me because it might undercut the deep analysis and civic responsibility we’re trying to teach.”

Skeptics approach AI with deep caution, grounded in a firm belief that students should be thinkers, not just content consumers. They worry that AI tools may undercut historical reasoning, obscure authorship, or dilute opportunities for authentic civic learning. For these educators, AI is not neutral. They raise valid questions about equity, surveillance, and how easily confident-sounding misinformation can circulate unchecked. Their hesitation is often grounded in research on how students misinterpret digital content and confuse fluency with accuracy, a concern amplified in recent studies on AI-generated misinformation (Wineburg & Ziv, 2024). Yet even skeptical educators recognize the importance of engaging with these tools critically, so students are not left unprepared.

These activities emphasize critique, caution, and civic responsibility, helping students question AI rather than accept it at face value:

  • Facilitate an activity where students fact-check AI-generated historical claims using vetted primary sources.
  • Guide students to verify an AI-generated historical claim using lateral reading—opening new tabs to cross-check with trusted sources—and reflect on how polished responses can still be misleading (Wineburg & Ziv, 2024).
  • Have students use AI to generate a fake historical image or event description, then analyze it using Common Sense Media’s AI literacy principles to identify signs of manipulation and discuss real-world implications (Common Sense Media, 2025).
  • Use ChatGPT’s Study Mode to help students unpack a dense primary source, then lead a discussion critiquing how the AI framed key ideas and what it overlooked (Sawchuk, 2025).

“I’ve tested a few AI tools, but I’m still figuring out how to connect them to real learning, especially sourcing, analysis, and classroom discussion.”

Novices are intrigued by AI and willing to try it, but they’re still figuring out where it fits. Their experimentation often centers around one-off tasks, like generating an image for a warm-up or asking ChatGPT to summarize a reading. While eager to explore, they haven’t yet connected AI use to core social studies practices like sourcing, historical inquiry, or civic discourse. According to Hernholm (2025), even teachers who express curiosity about AI still need structured support, especially when it comes to tools, time, and training. As AI for Education (2024) notes, starting with small activities, like brainstorming prompts or using generative tools for warm-ups, helps build confidence without overwhelming teachers new to AI. These early successes lay the foundation for deeper exploration and help novices envision how AI might eventually align with their instructional goals. Structured tools like MagicSchool AI, Claude, Adobe Express, and NotebookLM give these teachers a way to test ideas in real classrooms while building the capacity to move from occasional use to intentional design. When AI is framed as a way to enhance, not replace, core learning goals, novices begin to shift from curiosity to confidence.

These entry points offer low-risk ways to explore AI tools while building confidence and connection to core social studies practices:

  • Use AI tools like NotebookLM to reorganize historical sources into thematic clusters, then have students analyze how the AI grouped them and evaluate the accuracy and bias of those groupings (Wasik, 2025).
  • Prompt students to use Claude.ai or ChatGPT to generate differing perspectives on a historical event, then evaluate them for bias and omissions.
  • Facilitate a role-play simulation using Character.AI, where students question historical figures and fact-check the responses.
  • Use Adobe Express to co-create civic posters or infographics with AI-generated draft text, then revise for accuracy and tone.

With the right support, tools, time, and professional learning – these educators begin moving from curiosity to confidence.

“AI gives us new ways to simulate civic life, reimagine debate, and engage students in building—and challenging—systems of power and justice.”

Designers integrate AI with purpose. They go beyond surface-level use to embed it into thoughtful lessons that support historical reasoning, civic writing, and student discourse. These educators treat AI as a tool to elevate, not replace, student learning. They maintain instructional control, designing experiences where students use AI to revise, question, and deepen understanding. They are clear about their instructional goals and use AI as a tool to help students engage more deeply with content. Designers are neither dismissive nor blindly enthusiastic. They see the promise of AI, but they also understand its limits.

Recent research supports this balanced mindset. Clark and van Kessel (2024) found that AI-generated lesson materials often reflect embedded assumptions or miss opportunities for meaningful inquiry. They encourage educators to treat AI as a collaborator that needs to be questioned and shaped, not a neutral source. Similarly, Klein (2025) reported that many AI-generated civics lessons lack depth and fail to promote the kind of student thinking social studies demands. Designers are aware of these limitations. That’s why they stay close to their pedagogical aims and use AI as a tool for design, not a substitute for it.

In the classroom, Designers guide students to use AI purposefully: drafting historical arguments, analyzing civic texts, or refining written responses. They help students question AI outputs and compare them to disciplinary thinking models. They use AI to scaffold participation for multilingual learners or struggling writers, while still expecting students to revise, debate, and cite. In short, Designers make AI useful by keeping it anchored in student learning.

These practices use AI intentionally to deepen historical reasoning, support civic discourse, and elevate student writing:

  • Use NotebookLM to create a video overview from source documents, then have students critique its accuracy and revise it to reflect stronger historical thinking (TechCrunch, 2025).
  • Use AI to model civic writing, like letters to elected officials or op-eds, followed by analysis of argument strength and tone.
  • Support multilingual learners by using AI to generate sentence starters, vocabulary scaffolds, or translated prompts (Szeto, 2024a).
  • Ask students to use AI to generate multiple historical perspectives on an event, then evaluate how each aligns with available primary sources and disciplinary thinking (Szeto, 2024b).

 ”AI lets us simulate debates, test civic arguments, and rethink how students engage with the past and present.”

Trailblazers are reimagining what’s possible with AI. They don’t just use tools, they create new experiences where students build, critique, and explore ideas at the intersection of technology and civic life. Their classrooms are laboratories for inquiry, civic action, and reflection. Trailblazers lead boldly but with intention, staying grounded in social studies goals like justice, democracy, and historical thinking.

These educators often lead professional learning, collaborate across content areas, and pilot new strategies. They guide students in building with AI, critiquing its limitations, and using it to examine democracy, memory, and power. They are not reckless with innovation; they’re intentional, equity-focused, and transparent about what AI can and cannot do.

Trailblazers also recognize that students must learn how to ask hard questions of systems, not just generate answers. Projects in their classrooms often blend social studies content with algorithmic thinking, civic action, and ethical reflection. While some of their work pushes the boundaries of what’s typical in a classroom, it remains rooted in the goals of social studies education: inquiry, citizenship, and justice.

These projects invite students to co-create with AI, interrogate systems, and use emerging tools for civic innovation and justice:

  • Lead an AI-powered civic simulation where bots draft policy proposals and students must revise or defend them using constitutional principles
  • Guide students to train their own lightweight LLMs on curated primary sources and analyze how outputs differ from general models
  • Have students investigate algorithmic bias or digital redlining using AI-generated maps or predictive tools and connect their findings to environmental justice or civil rights issues.
  • Have students use AI and local datasets, such as NYC Open Data, to take informed action by proposing policy solutions to real community issues, aligned to social studies standards.

Supporting all educators on the AI journey: A path forward

While archetypes offer a useful lens, sustainable integration of AI in social studies requires system-level support that recognizes where educators are and helps them move forward with clarity and confidence. Below are five key actions for leaders, curriculum teams, and policymakers to consider:

  1. Leverage Professional Learning Communities (PLCs)
    Some of the most powerful shifts in practice emerge through sustained, peer-driven collaboration. Districts and schools can embed AI integration into existing PLC structures by identifying and supporting Designers and Trailblazers as lead learners who model and share instructional strategies. Within these communities, Novices can build confidence through co-planning and reflection, while Skeptics are invited to engage in inquiry without pressure. PLCs foster collective efficacy, promote shared responsibility for innovation, and ensure that professional learning remains rooted in classroom practice.
  2. Provide tools, time, and trust
    Teachers won’t use what they don’t understand or don’t have time to explore. Access to quality AI tools, along with dedicated time to explore them meaningfully, is essential. As Hernholm (2025) reminds us, capacity grows when schools invest not just in technology, but in the people using it.
  3. Focus on student thinking, not just use
    Rather than measuring AI adoption in terms of tool usage, districts should evaluate how it supports disciplinary thinking, civic engagement, and student growth. AI that helps students revise a DBQ, analyze bias, or debate constitutional issues is more impactful than AI used to generate generic content. The goal isn’t AI integration; it’s better thinking.

Across all four archetypes, whether skeptical, curious, intentional, or trailblazing, one truth holds: AI is only as powerful as the pedagogy behind it. As Michael Fullan (2011) warned more than a decade ago, technology alone doesn’t drive meaningful change. Real impact comes from purposeful design, skilled teaching, and systems that support both.

Used thoughtfully, AI can scaffold reasoning, simplify complex texts, and provide fast, iterative feedback. It can lower the barrier to entry for drafting and help students engage with challenging sources they might otherwise avoid. For multilingual learners and struggling writers, it can act as a helpful drafting partner, not a shortcut, but a springboard.

But the risks are real. Without intentional framing, students may bypass the intellectual heavy lifting that defines social studies. AI can hallucinate facts, misrepresent sources, or mask bias in confident tones. As Dan Meyer (2024) reminds us, AI can do the heavy lifting of generating and organizing, but “we have to help teachers go the last mile.” That last mile is where historical thinking, civic reasoning, and disciplinary literacy live. It’s where students learn to evaluate claims, wrestle with complexity, and build arguments from evidence.

Each archetype contributes to that journey. Skeptics ground us in ethical questions. Novices push us to offer practical supports. Designers model how to integrate tools with intention. Trailblazers show what’s possible when innovation meets purpose.

AI can support great teaching, but it cannot replace it.  We are not preparing students to use AI for trivia. We are preparing them to ask hard questions of systems, sources, and society.

That is the heart of social studies.

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Common Sense Media. (2025, June 26). Deepfakes can be a crime: Teaching AI literacy can prevent it. Retrieved August 3, 2025, from https://www.commonsensemedia.org/kids-action/articles/deepfakes-can-be-a-crime-teaching-ai-literacy-can-prevent-it

Fullan, M. (2011). Choosing the wrong drivers for whole system reform. Centre for Strategic Education. https://theeta.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/11/eta-articles-110711.pdf

Guskey, T. R. (2014). Planning professional learning. Educational Leadership, 71(8), 10–16. Retrieved August 3, 2025, from https://tguskey.com/wp-content/uploads/Professional-Learning-2-Planning-Professional-Learning.pdf

Hernholm, S. (2025, June 19). AI in education: Why teachers need tools, time, and training. Forbes. https://www.forbes.com/sites/sarahhernholm/2025/06/19/ai-in-education-why-teachers-need-tools-time-and-training/

Klein, A. (2025, June 30). Why AI may not be ready to write your lesson plans. Education Week. https://www.edweek.org/technology/why-ai-may-not-be-ready-to-write-your-lesson-plans/2025/06

Meyer, D. (2024, May 3). The difference between great AI and great teaching [Video]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iH4Pn4bpOfQ

Sawchuk, S. (2025, July). What teachers should know about ChatGPT’s new Study Mode feature. Education Week. https://www.edweek.org/technology/what-teachers-should-know-about-chatgpts-new-study-mode-feature/2025/07

Szeto, A. (2024a). AI and social studies: Supporting multilingual learners with generative tools. Teaching Social Studies. https://teachingsocialstudies.org/tag/english/

Szeto, A. (2024b). Enhancing Student Learning with AI-Powered Image Features Teaching Social Studies. https://teachingsocialstudies.org/tag/historical-perspectives/

TechCrunch. (2025, July 29). Google’s NotebookLM rolls out video overviews. https://techcrunch.com/2025/07/29/googles-notebooklm-rolls-out-video-overviews/

The White House. (2025, April 23). Executive Order 14277 of April 23, 2025: Advancing artificial intelligence education for American youth. Federal Register, 90, 17519–17523. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/FR-2025-04-28/pdf/2025-07368.pdf

The White House. (2025, July 23). Winning the race: America’s AI action plan [PDF]. Office of the President of the United States. https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/Americas-AI-Action-Plan.pdf

Wasik, B. (2025, June 16). A.I. is poised to rewrite history. Literally. The New York Times Magazine. https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/16/magazine/ai-history-historians-scholarship.html

Wineburg, S., & Ziv, N. (2024, October 25). What makes students (and the rest of us) fall for AI misinformation? Education Week. https://www.edweek.org/technology/opinion-what-makes-students-and-the-rest-of-us-fall-for-ai-misinformation/2024/10

Three Ways to Teach About Venezuela in a Nonpartisan Way

Three Ways to Teach About Venezuela in a Nonpartisan Way

©2025 Council on Foreign Relations. All rights reserved. Privacy Policy and Terms of Use.

Unpack the news coming out of Venezuela with expert-informed resources that focus on history and fundamental foreign policy concepts.

People celebrate after the U.S. struck Venezuela and captured its President Nicolas Maduro and his wife Cilia Flores, in Santiago, Chile on January 3, 2026.

Source: Pablo Sanhueza/Reuters

Last Updated: January 06, 2026

If your students are returning to the classroom talking about Venezuela, they are not alone. When Americans woke up on January 2nd to the news that U.S. forces captured Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro, there were a lot of questions. The capture, which came after weeks of mounting military pressure on Venezuela, stirred difficult conversations, leaving world leaders and experts unsure of what comes next.

Given the uncertainty surrounding Venezuela, it is important to present this moment in foreign policy in a nonpartisan, fact-based manner to encourage students to think critically and form their own opinions.

In this blog, you’ll find three ways to incorporate this topic into your teaching by 

  • viewing events through a historical lens;
  • focusing on fundamental concepts of foreign policy; and
  • conducting a hypothetical simulation on the foreign policy tool of intelligence and covert action.

A Summary of the Past Decade in Venezuela 
 

Venezuela has been struggling for years. Once South America’s wealthiest country, Venezuela’s economy collapsed in 2014 under President Nicolás Maduro due to expensive social policies, corruption, and overreliance on oil exports. The legitimacy of Maduro’s role as president has been called into question numerous times because of fraudulent elections and arrests of opposition leaders.

For almost two decades, the United States has imposed sanctions on Venezuela for a variety of reasons, including for lack of cooperation on counterterrorism and anti-narcotics efforts, as well as human rights violations. Under the Biden Administration, some sanctions were rolled back in an effort to curb energy prices and help the Venezuelan people. However, after Maduro’s government claimed victory in the 2024 election despite evidence that the opposition won the majority of votes, the tide changed again. Within the first year of his second term, President Trump began deploying a significant military presence off the coast of Venezuela, escalating tensions.


History of U.S. Foreign Policy in South and Latin America 
 

The U.S. has been involved in Latin America almost as long as the United States has existed as a country. The Monroe Doctrine of 1823 declared that European nations should not interfere in the region, as it was in the United States’ sphere of influence. President Theodore Roosevelt went further than his contemporaries, announcing through the Roosevelt Corollary that the United States would intervene in countries in the region. These two declarations set the stage for decades of intervention aimed at advancing U.S. interests.

A 1905 political cartoon by Louis Dalrymple depicts Uncle Sam straddling the Americas while wielding a big stick labeled “Monroe Doctrine.” Source: Bettmann Archive via Getty Images

From the Spanish-American War to supporting an armed insurrection to creating the Panama Canal, the U.S. became increasingly involved in Latin America as it sought to establish itself as a global power. There were a few years when the U.S. attempted to prioritize a more diplomatic approach in the region and focused on fostering democracy and developing local economies.

The Cold War quickly saw a return to U.S. interventionism. During this period, the United States and the Soviet Union supported opposing governments worldwide to promote their ideologies, exploited local politics for economic advantage, and brought the world to the brink of nuclear war. Some of the governments that the U.S. supported to achieve its goals were violent, oppressive, and often inflicted lasting harm on their populations.

The U.S. operation to capture Maduro could signal a return to the kind of interventionism that defined previous decades of U.S. involvement in Latin America.

Foreign Policy Concepts Relevant to Venezuela
 

With a range of perspectives on what has occurred in Venezuela over the past few days, understanding fundamental foreign policy concepts can help students form their own conclusions.

Discussions about Saturday’s operation have centered on several core foundational concepts in international relations, including sovereigntyinternational law, and the authorization of force. Use CFR Education resources to help your students understand the basics before they consider whether they believe the concepts apply in this situation.

Sovereignty 

In principle, sovereignty means countries get to control what happens inside their borders and shouldn’t interfere within other countries. However, as with most things, established principles don’t always hold true. Countries occasionally violate other countries’ sovereignty to varying degrees – sometimes for humanitarian reasons, and sometimes to pursue economic or security goals.

The concept of sovereignty has become increasingly complicated in a more interconnected world, where many of today’s most pressing issues do not respect geographic boundaries. What does sovereignty look like when greenhouse gas emissions, viruses, and information ignore borders? While sovereignty serves as a central organizing principle at the heart of modern international relations, there are few clear rules or procedures for determining who is entitled to form a sovereign country or what constitutes a violation of sovereignty. 

International Law 

As with sovereignty, international law has helped maintain order by setting standards that other countries and domestic publics alike can use to hold governments accountable. Some types of international law are codified in the form of treaties and formalized agreements. Other international law is customary, comprising international obligations that arise from established international practices rather than from formal written treaties.

The United Nations (UN) Charter prohibits the use of military force, except in two cases: self-defense and instances where the UN Security Council authorizes the use of force. If war does break out, international humanitarian law encompasses a set of rules that aim to mitigate the conflict’s impact on civilians. These principles are codified in the Geneva Conventions of 1949, which 196 countries have ratified.

Primary Source Tip: Have your students read Article 2(4) in Chapter I of the UN Charter and discuss the extent to which it leaves room for interpretation regarding the use of military force and self-defense. 
 

The Constitution and Military Force

According to the Constitution, Congress has the exclusive power to declare war. It also empowers Congress to authorize military force without having to declare war, as Congress did—among other times—in Afghanistan and Iraq in the early 2000s. While Congress can greenlight military force, the president serves as the commander-in-chief of the military and has discretion over how it performs its duties. Presidents have used this authority to deploy the country’s armed forces, conduct intelligence, and carry out covert operations. 


In 1973, Congress passed the War Powers Resolution to ensure that presidents can act effectively in a military context by acting unilaterally for specific periods of time before obtaining congressional approval. However, past presidents of both parties have violated the War Powers Resolution without facing action from Congress.

Primary Source Tip: Have your students read Article I, Section 8, and Article II, Section 2, of the Constitution before reading the CFR Education piece to see how these Sections of the Constitution have evolved over time. Then ask them to discuss whether they see Venezuela as representing continuity or change in the evolving way in which presidents pursue American interests.

Hypothetical Scenarios
 

It can be challenging to understand the foreign policy forces at play in Venezuela while also keeping up with the constant news updates. You can drive home the relevant issues of intelligence and covert action without having to refer back to the news for policy changes with one of the hypothetical situations in CFR Education’s simulations library.

In the simulation below, students are put in the shoes of the National Security Council (NSC) to advise the president on deciding whether to use covert action as a tool of foreign policy. After conducting the simulation, ask students to reflect: What is this tool suitable for? Does it fulfill its stated goals? What are the pros and cons of employing covert action? Do students see similarities or differences between the hypothetical simulation and the events this past weekend in Venezuela?

Teach the Headlines with CFR Education

Rapidly changing global affairs can be challenging to understand, which is why it is essential to scaffold these events for your students by studying history, principles of foreign policy, and simulations that model global situations.

You can rely on CFR Education for nonpartisan resources that will help you tackle this situation as well as the other global events heading our way.

Newsletter to teach today’s most pressing global issues! 

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Era 12 Postwar United States: Cold War (1945 to early 1970s)

New Jersey Council for the Social Studies

www.njcss.org

The relationship between the individual and the state is present in every country, society, and civilization. Relevant questions about individual liberty, civic engagement, government authority, equality and justice, and protection are important for every demographic group in the population.  In your teaching of World History, consider the examples and questions provided below that should be familiar to students in the history of the United States with application to the experiences of others around the world.

These civic activities are designed to present civics in a global context as civic education happens in every country.  The design is flexible regarding using one of the activities, allowing students to explore multiple activities in groups, and as a lesson for a substitute teacher. The lessons are free, although a donation to the New Jersey Council for the Social Studies is greatly appreciated. www.njcss.org

The middle of the 20th century marks the zenith of American power in the world. Following World War 2, international organizations were established to maintain a stable world order. The United States developed alliances to counter the threat of communism and authoritarian governments.  The cost of the arms race and role as ‘global policeman’ was costly for the government of the United States and as a result its defense of democracy and human rights faced criticisms from its elected representatives and people.

In 1959, Fidel Castro came to power in an armed revolt that overthrew Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista. The U.S. government distrusted Castro and was wary of his relationship with Nikita Khrushchev, the leader of the Soviet Union. President Eisenhower approved the training of a small army for an assault landing and guerilla warfare. The success of the plan depended on the Cuban population joining the invaders.

On April 17, 1961 the Cuban-exile invasion force landed at beaches along the Bay of Pigs and immediately came under heavy fire.  Within 24 hours, about 1,200 members of the invasion force surrendered, and more than 100 were killed. The Bay of Pigs invasion was a disaster for the United States and President Kennedy.

In 2014, Russia invaded the Crimean Peninsula in Ukraine. Russia annexed Ukraine but the international community did not support or recognize the actions of Russia. Since 2014, Russia has tightened its grip on Crimea. It has transformed the occupied Ukrainian peninsula into a military base, utilizing it for the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Crimea currently serves as an important logistical hub for the Russian military, acting as an airbase and naval base while playing a key role in the resupply of the Russian army in Ukraine.

Bay of Pigs Invasion

Russia’s Invasion of Crimea in 2014

  1. Did the United States have a right to overthrow an unelected ruler in Cuba who supported the Soviet Union?
  2. To what extent does geography, national security, or economic stability justify actions of large sovereign states interfering in domestic affairs in smaller states?
  3. Why did the international community fail to challenge Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2014?
  4. Why does Russia want territory in Crimea and Ukraine?
  5. How can the international community best address the situation in Ukraine?
  6. If the international community accepts Russia’s illegal annexation of territory in a neighboring state, does this allow or encourage other countries to annex territories. (i.e. China, United States, etc.)

As Americans enjoyed their new prosperity and role as the leader of the free world, there were voices for equality from women, African Americans, and people of color. The US also embraced global responsibilities and the threat posed by the expansion of communism.

Most Americans believe that freedom is a fundamental human right. In the post-World War 2 era, The United States found that the cost of defending democracy and human rights was expensive and difficult. In the first quarter of the 21st century, the United States experienced a state sponsored terririst attack on New York City and Washington D.C., threats of international terrorism, a divided Congress, unprecedented national debt, and conflicts in the Middle East. In 2025, there were 59 violent conflicts in the world. The interests of Russia and China are in conflict with the interests of the United States to defend democratic values and institutions and human rights.

The United States has not ratified the following international agreements on human rights:

  • International Criminal Court
  • Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)
  • Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC)
  • Convention for the Protection of all Persons from Enforced Disappearance
  • Mine Ban Treaty
  • Convention on Cluster Munitions
  • Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD)
  • Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture

Source

Before 1950, the United States had no stated policy on asylum. However, between 1933-1945, about 200,000 refugees fleeing the violence of war, immigrated to the United States. The American people were opposed to changing the National Origins Quota System enacted in 1924.

The 1952 McCarran-Walter Act was passed over President Truman’s veto. It continues to serve as the basis of our immigration laws and policies.

“The bill would continue, practically without change, the national origins quota system, which was enacted, into law in 1924, and put into effect in 1929. This quota system—always based upon assumptions at variance with our American ideals—is long since out of date and more than ever unrealistic in the face of present world conditions.

This system hinders us in dealing with current immigration problems, and is a constant handicap in the conduct of our foreign relations.” 

In 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act (Hart-Celler Act) eliminated the quota system that was part of the McCarran-Walter Act. The Act opened immigration to people of different racial and ethnic populations, especially Asians and Africans, it continued the quotas for Mexicans and Hispanic populations and favored visas for skilled workers over agricultural or domestic workers.  

According to the UN refugee agency, a record-breaking 3.6 million new individual asylum applications were registered worldwide in 2023 with most new asylum claims made by nationals of Afghanistan, Colombia, Sudan, Syria, and Venezuela. At the close of 2023, 6.9 million asylum seekers worldwide still had pending asylum claims.

In the United States in 2023, nearly half of all asylum approvals were for people fleeing Afghanistan, China, El Salvador, and Venezuela from violence, poverty, and political upheaval.

  1. Why has the United States refused to support international laws on human rights and crimes against humanity since World War 2?
  2. Is there evidence that the United States violates the human rights of some of its own citizens?
  3. Why have the American people reflected a restrictive immigration policy over time, even for refugees facing death or abuse in their home country?
  4. Who should be granted asylum in the United States?

History of Child Labor in the United States

Truman Library Institute

Brown University’s Slavery and Justice Report

The National Council of La Raza

The War Refugee Board

The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952(McCarran-Walter Act)

The 1965 Immigration Act: Opening the Nation to Immigrants of Color(Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History)

How Should Americans Remember the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act?(Organization of American Historians)

How the U.S. Asylum Process Works(Council on Foreign Relations)

In the years after World War 2, especially after Churchill’s Iron Curtain Speech in 1946, the United States feared a global domination of communism. This belief gained popularity after China became communist in 1949. The current administration of President Trump is identifying the Democratic party with Marxist-Leninist ideology or progressive ideas for universal health care, helping students to repay college loans, raising the minimum wage, labor unions, and deporting immigrants with legal visas and some who are not documented.

This has a ‘chilling effect’ on people, especially educators and college professors who teach about communism and Marxist socialism. It is important to understand the historical perspective over time regarding how the government of the United States has responded to situations which have called for a change in our government through elections and the violent overthrow of our Constitution and democratic institutions.

Congress has the power to protect the Government of the United States from armed rebellion. The Insurrection Act of 1807 combined a series of statues to protect the United States from angry citizens following the Embargo Act. The issue for debate is when does the protection of free speech regarding criticism of government policies and organizing plans to change government policies or elected leaders become a matter permitting the government to use military force to protect itself.

The Posse Comitatus Act forbids the U.S. military, including federal armed forces and National Guard from enforcing civil law. The reason for this is to protect the First Amendment rights of citizens to express their beliefs. The Stafford Act (1988) permits the use of the military in times of natural disasters or public health epidemics. 

Section 252 the Insurrection Act allows the president to deploy troops without a request from the state and provides the authority to send in troops against the state’s wishes to enforce the laws of the United States or to suppress rebellion.  President Eisenhower used this power to enforce the decision of the U.S. Supreme Court to desegregate the public schools in Little Rock, AK.  In 1992, the governor of California requested President George H.W. Bush to send troops to control the rioting in Los Angeles following the acquittal of four white police officers on the beating of Rodney King. Section 253 allows the president to suppress domestic violence, a conspiracy to overthrow the government, or an insurrection.  John Brown’s raid in 1859 and the Civil War are examples.

The Smith Act was passed in 1940 making it a crime for any person knowingly or willfully to advocate the overthrow or destruction of the Government of the United States by force or violence. This Act led to the arrest of leaders of the Communist Party who were advocating to overthrow the government of the United States by force.

In 1951, the Court ruled in a 6-2 decision that the conviction of Eugene Dennis of conspiring and organizing for the overthrow and destruction of the United States government by force and violence under provisions of the Smith Act.  In 1967, the decision was overturned by the Brandenburg v. Ohio when the Supreme Court held that “mere advocacy” of violence was protected speech. 

In New York, the Feinberg Law banned from the teaching of the violent overthrow of the government of the United States. Several other states adopted similar measures. When a group of teachers and parents challenged this law, the Supreme Court upheld it in Adler v. Board of Education of the City of New York, (1952) In 1967, another Supreme Court overturned the Adler decision.

  1. If the Declaration of Independence states the right of people to dissent and overthrow an unjust government, should school teachers be allowed to teach this to young students?

“That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.”

2. Why do you think the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the Dennis and Adler decisions years later? Do these reversals have a strong foundation in American law?

3. Is it possible to use the Smith Act and the Insurrection Act to bring about a change in government that would embrace a more authoritarian government and a less democratic one?

4. How can the Smith Act and Insurrection Act be abolished?  Should they be abolished?

5. What is the biggest threat facing the United States in the future? (natural disaster, political violence, artificial intelligence, public health emergency, economic crisis, etc.)   Will the best solutions to this threat come from the Executive, Legislative, or Judicial branch of our government?

Thomas Jefferson Signs the Insurrection Act into Law, March 3, 1807

The Insurrection Act Explained  (Brennan Center for Justice)

Dennis v. United States

Supreme Court Rules on Communist Teachers (Adler v. Board of Education of City of New York)

Insubordination And ‘Conduct Unbecoming’: Purging New York’s Communist Teachers at the Start of the Cold War (The Gotham Center for New York City History)

Mass Deportation: Analyzing the Trump’s Adminsitration’s Attacks on Immigrants, Democracy, and America(American Immigration Council)

Japan officially surrendered on September 2, 1945. More than 400,000 Americans, and an estimated 65 million people worldwide, died during the war. After the surrender, the repatriation of the soldiers to their home country began. Refugees also began to return to their homes. The return of the soldiers to Japan, Soviet Union, European countries, and the United States was very different. In this activity, you will compare the return of 7 million soldiers to Japan and the United States. The United States had 16 million soldiers in uniform and 8 million of them were overseas. Operation Magic Carpet was the program to transport Japan’s soldiers to their homeland. There were also millions of Korean and Chinese civilians the Japanese used as slave labor during the war who needed to be repatriated.

Japan’s navy and merchant marine navy had been destroyed during the war. The carriers Hosho and Katsuragi, the destroyer, Yoizuki, and the passenger ship, Hikawa Maru, were able to transport some Japanese soldiers. The United States, Soviet Union, and England used their ships to bring 6.6 million Japanese soldiers back to Japan. The Japanese government designated 18 ports to receive their soldiers. The U.S. role was completed by the end of 1947. The Soviet Union’s role continued through 1957. The port of Maizuru was the largest port.

The Japanese soldiers were sprayed with the chemical DDT (dichloro-diphenyl-trichloro-ethane) to kill fleas and lice. At the time, DDT was considered a ‘safe’ chemical but in 1972 it was known to be harmful. Welcome towers were erected where citizens welcomed the retuning soldiers.

The United States also used Nisei interpreters during the years after the surrender of Japan (1945-1952) to prosecute Japan’s military leaders for war crimes, detect subversive activities and help with the drafting of Japan’s new constitution.

Most cities and homes in Japan were destroyed as a result of the war and the destruction of the two atomic bombs. Almost every family experienced the death of a loved one and they did not have a proper burial or the return of their personal belongings (sword, identification, notebooks, clothing, etc.) The new government in Japan changed the family structure which encouraged marriage and children.

The return of veterans to the United States began in 1944, shortly after D-Day. The government instituted a point system based on battles for the return home after the war ended and the GI Bill, which provided for education and vocational training, credit towards loans, one year of unemployment compensation, and counseling. The purpose of the GI Bill was to avoid the high unemployment and inflation that followed World War I.

“Veterans Prepare for Your Future thru Educational Training, Consult Your Nearest Office of the Veterans Administration,” n.d. Courtesy of NARA, 44-PA-2262, NAID

The repatriation of American soldiers was very successful and the income taxes from their wages paid back the cost of the GI Bill within the first few years. Veterans also purchased new homes which also increased the GDP.  Similar benefits were provided to American soldiers who served in Korea and Vietnam. New car sales also quadrupled in the first ten years following World War 2 and by 1960 about 75 percent of American households owned a car.

  1. Why did the United States spend millions of dollars to repatriate Japanese soldiers to Japan after the surrender and why did our government pay for the inoculations and transportation of Korean and Chinese from Taiwan?
  2. What would the post-war years in Japan be like without the financial and technical assistance of the United States and the Allied Powers?
  3. As a member of Congress, would you have supported the GI Bill in 1944 knowing that the national debt of the United States was 120% above our GDP?
  • Was it fair to provide ships to transport Japanese soldiers home before all of the American soldiers were repatriated?
  • Should the United States have done more (or less) to repatriate the soldiers from Japan?

Maizuru Repatriation Memorial Museum

Return to Maizuri Port: Documents Related to the Repatriation and Internment Experiences of Japanese (1945-1956)   (UNESCO)

The Afterlife of Families in Japan (Texas A&M University, Corpus Christi)

U.S. Naval Institute

The American Soldier in World War 2

Veterans Return Home From World War 2 (U.S. Army Documentary)

Serviceman’s Readjustment Act, 1944 (National Archives)