Tag: Historical perspective

Isolationism: FDR’s Immigration Crisis 

Isolationism: FDR’s Immigration Crisis 

Madison Kohlhepp

Auschwitz, Bergen-Belsen, Belzec, and Ravensbrück. Think of an ice-cold place with no hope of getting out of your worst nightmare. These were some of the most well-known labor camps during World War 2 in Germany and Poland. They were built to target many different groups, like Jehovah’s witnesses, gypsies, and homosexuals. The biggest group targeted was the Jewish population. Hitler’s goal with building these labor camps was to relocate as many Jewish people as possible and make them work to death or just to kill them, these camps were meant for mass murder. There is a lot of hidden history that is not discussed about the Holocaust.

There was a lot of blame going around and new power coming into place that America was not fully aware of because they focused on being stable after the Great Depression. In Europe tensions rose and Germany became very angry about the outcome of World War 1. Germany believed the repercussion from World War I they had gotten was not fair.  Hitler blamed the Jewish population for their loss in World War 1 and thought that they had to pay for their betrayal to the German people. Thus, sparked the idea for Hitler to create labor camps to torture and destroy the Jewish population. While the labor camps were being built there were things going on beforehand that sparked antisemitism in Germany. They had to go around wearing the star of David on all their clothing, they couldn’t go to public schools just Jewish schools, couldn’t go to the movies or to certain restaurants and a lot of Jewish business owners lost their businesses from German soldiers trashing it and shutting them down all because they were Jewish. 

Gas chambers were the kiss of death. Jews and others who made it farther would get tattoos. Jews had no name anymore and just were referred to as a number. All hair would be cut off and then would be told to change into the same striped outfits and sent to their barracks and from there they would be sent to work all day and every day with little to no food. One wrong move and anyone could be killed. Reapings would happen as well. Those who were picked were sent to either different camps or to the gas chambers to be killed. This was kept secret in Europe and only thought to be rumors for many years. Around 6 million lives were lost. 

            FDR was a great leader in so many ways and did want to help the country and the people of the United States out first and foremost. He wanted to get the country out of the Great Depression and make sure that the people were being taken care of. However, there were split sides on what the United States should have been doing during this time. Historians are still debating this topic to this day and disagree with the isolationist mindsets that were put into place and FDR should have gotten involved and helped the Jewish population more. Saying he should have done what he wanted regardless of the backlash he would have gotten from the people. The isolationist mindset and closed-door policies has been seen as something that ruined the United States because in 1941 Japan had conducted a surprise attack on Pearl Harbor. That created other countries to have animosity towards the United States. Pearl Harbor ended up being the turning point for the United States to get involved in the war, leading to all of those closed-door policies to go out of the window. America was finally waking up and realizing what was going on outside of the country. 

FDR and the public

The public loved FDR. He had a great relationship with the country because they had felt like they truly knew him. This starts with his fireside chats where the country was able to listen to him and what he wanted to do for the American people. While he was their president there was his hominess about him where he became more than a president to them.  The people saw how FDR had a helping hand in the reason the country got out of the Great Depression because of his New Deal policy. The New Deal was a domestic program between 1933-1939 which aimed to provide relief and reform the people of the country.

So many lives were lost. Lives were lost because of leaders not believing the rumors of the labor camps, but also because of the restraints put on the immigration policies and visas that would have helped the immigrants trying to get into the country.  Policies have to get passed through many different levels of the government because of the checks and balances system so FDR isn’t the main source of the issue, it was the government as a whole. While the borders had been closed and not as open for quite some time, the decision to close the border angered immigrants who greatly needed help.. There was a genocide happening in Europe because of Nazi regime and the antisemitism running through Germany. America had a lot of difficult decisions to make when it came to policies and deciding what they wanted to do with the immigrants, specifically the Jewish population. America wants to be neutral, and the Jewish population was not something the country was prioritizing. From another entry that was written by FDR he states “I have no intention in getting into a war with Germany. American will not enter. (343) There was no way that FDR was going to allow American to assist with anything including with the immigrants.  The US turned an eye and the immigrants had to then go back to their countries they were trying to leave. Many went into hiding and others were captured and sent to different places, whether it be different countries or a labor camp. This did not just affect the Jewish population, it affected so many immigrants from all over and while the Holocaust as a whole killed around 13 million innocent lives, 6 million of which were Jewish men, women and children. 

At this point the country was torn on what to do. There were some groups that wanted to just get involved in the war because they didn’t want anything to happen to us because we were staying out and cutting ties with other countries. Yet there were the other groups that wanted nothing to do with the war because it was on European soil and did not concern the US in any way.  Due to this split there were discussions being had in Congress over what to do with these sets of Neutrality acts that were rolled out and how to rethink the mindsets of the isolationist. 

After the attack on Pearl Harbor it was like the United States woke up. The Japanese had bombed America’s soil and the people were shocked and distraught. This is what isolationist mindsets do, they had created enemies because with these policies the US was cutting ties with allies and countries had been trading with which was going to create conflict. We never truly had any issues with Japan until all of this happened. The immigration policies after the attack got even tighter than they were before. They truly didn’t want anyone, no matter where they were coming from, to come in and that showed because of the way they were treating the Japanese American groups in the country. However, the containment mindset and isolationism changed completely after the attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941. The people were angry; they wanted everyone who was on the axis side to pay for what they had just done to us, so America joined the allied powers and in 1941 America was officially a part of the war. 

The United States was involved in the war and helping out the Allied powers, men and women were being a part of the war being nurses and taking over the jobs that men were doing and in ways being a part of the war was an eye opening for what women’s roles were like showing women can do just as much as men could do. The American citizens started to speak out more about how they were feeling about the policies already in place and in the novel America Between The Wars there is a letter that gets discussed about how the American families are feeling during his time of presidency, this section shows the side of the American families that want nothing to do with the war, it states“ Dear Mr. President, my wife and I have just heard your speech over the radio, I can not refrain from expressing our deepest appreciation for your state will do everything to keep this country neutral.”(214) This was what the American citizens were thinking; however, being isolated was the wrong move for this country even though the leaders and some of the public agreed to just be focused on the country but in the end the country got attacked by enemies. The isolationism did bring harm to the country and didn’t truly help us. It made the country look weak and made the people feel divided because if the country had not been  isolated could Pearl Harbor have been prevented. While that is a question historians will never truly know it shows FDR should have listened to his heart. FDR should have focused on the people like he did but not in a containment isolationist mindset where certain events might have been avoided. 

Overall, FDR did a lot of good for the people of the country. Did he do the same for immigrants that wanted to come into the country or for the immigrants already in the country?  That is questionable. FDR did not treat the Japanese American immigrants in America right after that attack on Pearl Harbor and FDR changing his immigration quotas and rejecting the Jewish population into the country was not seen as a good move. There will always been good and bad things that any president will do but in this case things could have been different and prevented if he did what he wanted to do and stopped listening to mixed opinions of the public and his cabinet members and because of these policies and the split down the middle this caused a lot of antisemitism and hatred in the country to the Japanese Americans and to the Jewish population that were already here and or the ones who were trying to come in. 

FDR’s America with antisemitism

Antisemitism is all too well known throughout the world. Antisemitism is something that has been seen for centuries, the meaning of antisemitism is to be hostile or prejudiced against Jewish people, this has dated back to ancient times but became more seen during the time when Hitler was the dictator of Nazi Germany. The Nazi’s were corrupting the youth and they were being taught how to spot a Jew based on their eyes and hair color, their nose side, how their skull lined up etc. The antisemitism that was happening in Germany would later on during the war spread to the United States in a different way.  As mentioned before, it was antisemitism was always around but because of the increase in hate crimes and antisemitism, other countries were seeing what was really going on.

The Jewish population is one of the groups throughout history that have been blamed and have suffered for far too long. Hitlers building of the labor camps was a genocide and a way to try and erase them for good. FDR and the American population had heard word about these labor camps that were built out in Germany and Poland but had just thought they were rumors. Over in the United States, immigrants had always been coming in for quite some time from all over the world for a fresh start for their families and at the time we were a very friendly and welcoming country when it came to these matters. This had stopped for a while and had been tightened during World War I. When the Great Depression began and people were laid off from their jobs and couldn’t afford anything for their families, their outlooks on immigration started to shift. The people of the United States started to think it wasn’t fair that there were all of these immigrants coming into the country and because they had just suffered through a Depression where they could hardly afford anything that the immigrants should either go somewhere else or that America should be going from open door to a closed-door policy with self-containment and isolationism. 

From that moment on when FDR listened to the majority of the public to become self-contained and isolated matters started to get worse from the Jewish population trying to come into the country and the Jewish population that was already here in the states before the policies were put into place. Historian Breitman who has done a lot research specifically when it comes to the Holocaust and the efforts FDR had states “FDR knew that many Americans held prejudicial views of the Jews.”(5) Breitman has done a lot of research through his book to be able to make a statement like this. There were protests before WW2 was happening towards immigrants and the Jewish population because of fear. . There was an argument made my Breitman stating “ Even if FDR has been more willing to override domestic  opposition and twist arms abroad, he could not have stopped the Nazi’s in the mass murder of about six million Jews.”(5) to make this point is saying that nothing was going to change regardless of the United States changing their quotas and foreign policies to now not allowing them in wouldn’t change anything. There was nothing that could have happened from these events and issues from happening. 

Congress at that point was getting very frustrated. They were seeing the reactions from FDR and the people of the US. There was craziness because emotions were all over the place. In Texas the governor had reported “Efforts to expand Jewish immigration, he said had created a terrible anti-semetic sentiment throughout the country which might break into riots if his bills go through.”(150) The people were getting very vocal about their feelings towards immigration. FDR made a case to congress about their concerns and stated “ This would be a divide with the American people and add to widespread perceptions at home and abroad that Jews had manipulated the policies.”(207) Whether Congress believed what FDR had to say is still a mystery however, what FDR had to say about the American people  was something that was already going through the American people’s minds. 

When the rumors were going around about the labor camps in Europe the people wanted nothing to do with. The public didn’t believe that in Europe there could possibly be any chance of a genocide to a specific group of people. FDR had heard wind of these rumors as any leader would have during this time and states in one of his letters to his Secretary of State “ I do not favor American participation over this matter.”(55) The fact he was getting wind of this and still didn’t want to believe it either and was listening to the American people was an outright shock. FDR seemed to be brushing these rumors away and just wanted to continue to only focus on his isolationism and being neutral during this war.

The closing statement

While the Jewish population was living in fear not only in Germany, they had come to fear the United States. The Jewish population had thought the states would be a safe place for them to come to but when they were turned away because FDR and his committee wanted to change his foreign immigration policies that all changed. The Jewish population was happy for what FDR had done for them, they felt like they were finally able to escape the troubles they were having with the Nazi’s slowly growing to have power. However, once World War II had started those policies changed drastically. Some of those policies were not in place anymore or changed significantly. Numbers were cut by over half and so many Jewish families were sent back to Germany at the start of the war and taken to the labor camps or just killed on the spot for trying to escape. In some ways the United States did such a disservice to the Jewish population They lost all of their clothes, jewelry, houses and worst of all their identity, they were not humans anymore according to the Nazi’s.  So many of the Jewish population were killed or died of illness in those labor camps and the antisemitism that was in Germany had spread to the United States. 

The people of the United States were calling the Jewish population spies to the Nazi government thinking they wanted us to get involved in the war. That was not the case. They wanted a safe place to live where they didn’t have to fear for their lives. Some were sent back to Germany. The people did not want to believe that a genocide towards the Jews were actually happening and they wanted to live in their own happy bubble. The government did nothing to stop the hatred that had spread to the United States because it was not their issue. A little later on in the war when the Americans were on Europe soil and came across a strange looking area in the middle of nowhere was when they realized what they had just stumbled upon. The United States had to do something about this, so they sent word back to the United States and FDR declared that all of the labor camps be liberated. The anger and sadness that got back to the American people and their views on the Jewish population changed drastically. 

References

Secondary sources

Breitman, Richard, and Allan J Lichtman. 2014. FDR and the Jews. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap Press Of Harvard University Press.

Wayne, Cole.  1983. Roosevelt & the Isolationists, 1932-45. Lincoln : University of Nebraska Press.

Robert, Divine A. 1969. Roosevelt and World War II. Johns Hopkins University Press.

Bernard, Fay. 1972. Roosevelt and His America.

Rafael,Medoff. 2009. Blowing the Whistle on Genocide : Josiah E. Dubois, Jr. And the Struggle for a U.S. Response to the Holocaust. West Lafayette, Ind: Purdue University Press.

Primary sources 

Welky, David, 2012. America between the Wars, 1919-1941: A Documentary Reader. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell. Harrap, and Elliot Roosevelt, The Roosevelt Letters Volume 3; 1928-1945.

President Ronald Reagan and the Economic Recovery Tax Act (Social Security)

The Impact of Economic Decisions by American Presidents Series

President Ronald Reagan and the Economic Recovery Tax Act

Most decisions by American presidents and other world leaders do not have an immediate impact on the economy, especially regarding the macroeconomic issues of employment and inflation. For example, President Franklin Roosevelt’s bank holiday, President John Kennedy’s tariff on imported steel, and President Ronald Reagan’s Economic Recovery Tax Act had limited immediate effects on the economy, but their long-term effects were significant. The accomplishments or problems of a previous administration may impact on the administration that follows.

For example, President Biden faced criticism about the economy during his administration. The jobs created with the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law and the interest rate policy of the Federal Reserve Bank to lower inflation did not show results until years later. The drop in Real Disposable Income from the administration of President Trump is another example. Real Disposable Income is a measure of income that is adjusted for inflation. The drop between the administration of President Bident and Trump is the result of extended unemployment benefits, people working from home during the pandemic when businesses were closed, and stimulus checks from the government. The economic transition following the end of the pandemic had a significant impact on the economy.

PresidentGDP GrowthUnemployment RateInflation RatePoverty RateReal Disposable Income
Johnson2.6%3.4%4.4%12.8%$17,181
Nixon2.0%5.5%10.9%12.0%$19,621
Ford2.8%7.5%5.2%11.9%$20,780
Carter4.6%7.4%11.8%13.0%$21,891
Reagan2.1%5.4%4.7%13.1%$27,080
H.W. Bush0.7%7.3%3.3%14.5%$27,990
Clinton0.3%4.2%3.7%11.3%$34,216
G.W. Bush-1.2%7.8%0.0%13.2%$37,814
Obama1.0%4.7%2.5%14.0%$42,914
Trump2.6%6.4%1.4%11.9%$48,286
Biden2.6%3.5%5.0%12.8%$46,682

This series provides a context of important decisions by America’s presidents that are connected to the expected economic decisions facing our current president’s administration. The background information and questions provide an opportunity for small and large group discussions, structured debate, and additional investigation and research. They may be used for current events, as a substitute lesson activity or integrated into a lesson.

In the case study below, have your students investigate the economic problem, different perspectives on the proposed solution, the short- and long-term impact of the decision, and how the decision affects Americans in the 21st century.

President Roosevelt introduced Social Security as a transfer payment to workers who would retire at age 65 with a life expectancy of 70 years in 1940. The income of workers was taxed, and Social Security was generously funded by workers. Today, there are only two workers contributing to Social Security for every retiree receiving a monthly check. It is considered a transfer payment because the money received is spent locally on basic needs and part of the amount is taxed.

President Johnson expanded Social Security to include Medicare and Medicaid. President Reagan began taxing the benefits received, raised the retirement age to 67, and allowed for contributions from payrolls to Individual Retirement Accounts. President Trump raised the age from 70 ½ to 73 ½ regarding required minimum withdrawals from private retirement accounts.

The Economic Problem

Retirement is a relatively new concept in economic history. Social Security began in 1935, and American presidents have made significant changes to it, especially in the last 50 years. Defined pension plans were offered to employees in the first half of the 20th century but became too expensive for most corporations.  Today, many public service workers, teachers, police, fire) have defined pensions and receive a monthly distribution. Without monthly Social Security payments, it would be difficult for retired individuals to live above the poverty line.

The evolution of Individual Retirement Accounts began with President Gerald Ford in 1976, and presidents have made changes to it over the past 50 years. Most American workers have an IRA, which may be called a 401(k), 403(b), Roth or something else. Today there is $40 trillion invested in mutual funds and U.S. securities in IRA accounts of Americans. In this case study, you will analyze the economic importance of this money, which is about equal to the national debt of the United States government. Today, about 40% of American households have an IRA account. Most of the remaining 60% will depend on Social Security, personal savings and assets, or fall into poverty.

Questions:

  1. How does having approximately 8% of your paycheck withheld for Social Security and Medicare affect the economy, stock market, and the quality of family life?
  2. How do other countries provide support for their retirees?  Is it valid to compare a large country (USA) with a smaller country with a higher ranking (Denmark)?     Source
  3. If you were an economic advisor to our current president, what reforms regarding Social Security and retirement income would you suggest?
  4. What risks do current and future retirees face in the short term (next five years)?
  5. Are the options for investing in retirement accounts reasonable, too risky, or too limited?

Report on the Economic Well-Being of U.S. Households in 2023-2024

Statement on Signing the Retirement Equity Act of 1984

Activity #1: The high cost of taxes

  1. Use the table below to calculate the taxes that the average worker in the United States who owns a home pays in state and federal taxes.
ItemPercent of Taxes$100,000 Example$200,000 Example
Federal Income Taxes12%, 22%, 24%, 32%, 35%, 37%Use 12% or 22%Use 24%
State Income Taxes (NJ)3.5%, 5.5%,Use 3.5%Use 5.5%
FICA Tax with Medicare7.65%Use 7.65%Use 7.65%
Local Property Tax on a $400,000 property (varies)10%, 15%Use 10%Use 15%
Sales Tax (7% of spending)Calculate as 2% of incomeUse 2%Use 3%
NJ SUI Taxes1%Use 1%Use 1%
Total36.15% to 55.15%  
  • Compare these tax rates to those in a European country or Canada.
  • Find the average cost of what a family pays for medical insurance as a percentage of their income.
  • Deduct expenses for housing (rent or mortgage), food, vacation, medical, transportation, and savings (10%). How much is left?

Presidents and Congress Have Made Changes to Social Security Over the Decades

The Industrial Revolution sparked the first true need for retirement. Assembly lines and factories demanded constant energy from their workers. Pensions began in the 1800s for older workers to help keep productivity up. But during the Great Depression, older workers didn’t want to leave their jobs — and their paychecks — behind. In turn, FDR designed the Social Security Act, effectively birthing the Social Security program so that older Americans could retire financially. The act is the Federal Insurance Contributions Act (FICA) and was signed in 1935 but didn’t begin payouts until 1940. In 1939, Social Security was expanded to include women. When Social Security became law, workers contributed one percent of their income.  Today, they contribute 6.2% and an additional 1.45% for Medicare. Employers match these contributions for a total of 15.3%.

As part of the “War on Poverty,” President Johnson signed the Social Security Act of 1965, which enacted Medicare and Medicaid under the Social Security Administration. In 2018, over 52 million people age 65 and older used Medicare for health insurance.

While President Reagan lowered income taxes, he was the first to make it possible to be taxed on your Social Security benefits in retirement, depending on how much you make. He also raised the full retirement age so that anyone born after 1960 would have to wait until age 67 to receive full benefits. The IRS under the Reagan administration also made it possible to have deductions taken out of employees’ salaries to contribute directly to their 401(k)s — something many workers rely on today.

President Clinton created another level of Social Security taxation, allowing up to 85% taxable benefits depending on how much you make. At the same time, he got rid of the retirement earnings test and prevented the Social Security Administration from blocking retirees from benefits based on earnings.

In 1990, the Older Workers Benefit Protection Act required employers to provide the same benefits for workers over age 65 as younger employees.

In the Unemployment Compensation Amendments of 1992, the rollover rules we know today were implemented. These new rules allowed women who often job-hop to keep their tax-qualified assets protected until retirement.

1993 ushered in the Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA). This became one of the most important job protections for women after giving birth or providing care for a family member. Now, she could come back to her job and not lose her pay rate.

Although, some consider Social Security as an entitlement, it can be changed by Congress. When workers pay into Social Security, they are contributing to a trust fund instead of a personal account.

Because the combined OASI and DI Trust Funds have accumulated assets of over $2.5 trillion, the excess of program cost over current tax income will be covered by net redemption of these assets in the coming years. It is only when the reserves in the trust funds are exhausted that timely payment of full scheduled benefits becomes an issue. As shown in the chart, at the time of projected trust fund exhaustion in 2037, continuing tax revenue is expected to be sufficient to cover 76 percent of the currently scheduled benefits.

Questions:

  1. Does the Social Security treat women fairly or equally with men? Do you recommend any reforms?
  2. Should Social Security benefits be taxed or tax free?
  3. What will happen to Social Security benefits when the trust fund has insufficient funds?

Treatment of Women in the Social Security System

Senior Citizens’ Freedom to Work Act

Activity #2

  1. Research the impact of a decision by Congress to make Social Security benefits tax free. Research the impact this will have on the trust fund.
  2. How does full employment and a sustained period of high unemployment above 7% affect Social Security and Medicare.
  3. Calculate the amount of money a worker earning $100,000 pays into Medicare over a period of 40 years and the average costs of what Medicare pays for each person today. Medicare Spending and Finance
  4. How have recent reforms under President Biden affected Medicare spending?
  5. Discuss the impact of reduced Social Security benefits for people when the trust fund is depleted, around 2033.

How does Social Security Affect the Economy?

When a person receives their monthly Social Security check it is most likely deposited directly into their bank account. This allows it to earn interest immediately and to be used for expenses. Look at the Circular Flow of Money diagram below to see how government money is transferred to households and distributed through the local economy.

For example, whether a person receives a Social Security check for $1,000 or $5,000 some of the money goes to banks (financial institutions) and is used for loans to businesses, homeowners, students, etc., to purchase government bonds to support government spending (including Social Security), and for the bank to pay taxes, its employees, and operational costs. Since part of Social Security income is taxable, the federal government receives some of the money back in taxes. Perhaps the most important influence Social Security has on the economy is that people spend the money locally in supermarkets, stores, and restaurants and it saves the government money by keeping people self-sufficient and out of poverty.  This is how money circulates in the economy and creates income for businesses, local and state governments, doctors, and others.

Money also has a Multiplier Effect. The diagram below illustrates the effect of one dollar. As each dollar enters the economy through the purchase of a bagel or donut, the local store expects that sales will continue to increase. As a result, they hire an additional worker, produce more bagels or donuts, and perhaps they will open a second store. As people buy more bagels and donuts, the store needs more flour, butter, cream cheese, coffee cups, etc. The newly hired employee also receives a paycheck for their work and spends it in the community. Basically, think of money multiplying ten times. For each $1.00 spent, the multiplier effect is that it circulated to different people ten times. If the effect of $1.00 is the spending of $10.00 over a month, imagine the impact of a $1,000 Social Security check ($10,000) or a $5,000 Social Security check.

Questions:

  1. To what extent do government transfer payments (i.e., Social Security) pay for themselves?
  2. What would be the economic effect on the economy if people at the age of 67 did not receive an incentive (Social Security) to retire?
  3. Should people be allowed not to participate in Social Security as an employee?
  4. If Social Security was discontinued, would the effect on the economy be positive or negative?

Activity #3

  1.  Calculate different scenarios if a person should collect their Social Security at age 62, 67, or 70. The scenarios should include individuals who are single, married, in excellent health, divorced, collecting benefits while still working, and for a spouse who did not work and make FICA contributions for the required ten years. Benefit Calculator

How do Private Individual Retirement Accounts Affect the Economy?

According to the Investment Company Institute, “there are more than 710,000 plans, on behalf of about 70 million active participants and millions of former employees and retirees. Savings rolled over from 401(k)s and other employer-sponsored retirement plans also account for about half of the $13.6 trillion held in individual retirement account (IRA) assets as of December 31, 2023.” https://www.ici.org/401k ($13.6 trillion is approximately 1/3 of the federal debt)

The IRA, originally offered strictly through banks, become instantly popular, garnering contributions of $1.4 billion in the first year (1975).  Contributions continued to rise steadily, amounting to $4.8 billion by 1981.

The Economic Recovery Tax Act (ERTA) of 1981 allowed for the IRA to become universally available as a savings incentive to all workers under age 70 1/2.  At that time, the annual contribution limit was also increased to $2,000 or 100% of compensation.

With the passage of the Tax Reform Act of 1986, income restrictions were introduced, limiting the availability of deductible contributions to the TIRA for individuals with incomes below $35,000 (single) or $50,000 when covered by an employer plan.  In addition, provision was made for the Spousal IRA, wherein the non-working spouse could make contributions to a TIRA from the working spouse’s income. 

1996’s Small Business Job Protection Act saw the implementation of the Savings Incentive Match Plan for Employees (SIMPLE IRA), which provided for employer matching and contributions to the employee plans, a viable alternative in many cases to the 401(k), although with more restrictive contribution limits. 

With the Taxpayer Relief Act of 1997, the Roth IRA was introduced.  In addition, phase-out limits were increased, plus the distinction was added for limits on deductible contributions if the taxpayer was covered by an employer-provided retirement plan. The Education IRA was also introduced, with features similar to the Roth IRA (non-deductible but tax-free upon qualified distribution).

In 2001 the Economic Growth and Tax Relief Reconciliation Act (EGTRRA), increased contribution limits with a “catch-up” provision for taxpayers aged 50 and older. An additional provision was the option to convert funds from a Traditional IRA to a Roth IRA, regardless of income level. 

The Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2016 finally made Qualified Charitable Distributions (QCDs) permanent. This feature applies to individuals age 70½ or older and subject to Required Minimum Distributions. The Qualified Charitable Distribution allows direct distributions to charitable organizations (houses of worship, non-profit organizations, etc.) from their IRAs without having to include the amount of the distribution in gross income for the tax year. In 2019, the age for Required Minimum Distributions was changed to age 73½.

As of the most recent reports from 2021, the Investment Company Institute indicates 37% of all American households own an IRA account of some type (over 48 million households). Approximately 27.3 million households have a Roth IRA, holding roughly $1.3 trillion in assets, while traditional IRA are owned by 36.6 million households, holding approximately $11.8 trillion.

Questions:

  1. How will the taxes paid by retirees on their IRA distributions affect the federal budget and national economy?
  2. How does the flow of money from current workers contributing to their Individual Retirement Accounts affect investment firms and the stock market?
  3. Should Social Security and Individual Retirement account changes be allowed or should changes only apply to people who are working and not retired?
  4. Should anyone not participating in the labor force because they are caring for someone in their home be allowed to contribute to Social Security or an Individual Retirement Account?
  5. Should money in an IRA account be allowed to be deposited in a traditional bank savings account of CD that is insured by the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation?
  6. Should Individual Retirement Accounts replace Social Security for anyone who has not started paying FICA taxes?

President Richard Nixon – Price Controls and Ending the Gold Standard

The Impact of Economic Decisions by American Presidents Series

President Richard Nixon – Price Controls and Ending the Gold Standard

Most decisions by American presidents and other world leaders do not have an immediate impact on the economy, regarding the macroeconomics of employment and inflation, at least in the short term of their administration. For example, President Franklin Roosevelt’s bank holiday, President John Kennedy’s tariff on imported steel, and President Ronald Reagan’s Economic Recovery Tax Act had limited immediate effects on the economy but their long-term effects are significant. The accomplishments or problems of the previous administration will likely impact the administration that follows. For example, President Biden faced criticism about the economy in his administration but the steps taken to address them may not show results until years later. The drop in Real Disposable Income from the administration of President Trump is significant because it measures income after taxes and inflation.

PresidentGDP GrowthUnemployment RateInflation RatePoverty RateReal Disposable Income
Johnson2.6%3.4%4.4%12.8%$17,181
Nixon2.0%5.5%10.9%12.0%$19,621
Ford2.8%7.5%5.2%11.9%$20,780
Carter4.6%7.4%11.8%13.0%$21,891
Reagan2.1%5.4%4.7%13.1%$27,080
H.W. Bush0.7%7.3%3.3%14.5%$27,990
Clinton0.3%4.2%3.7%11.3%$34,216
G.W. Bush-1.2%7.8%0.0%13.2%$37,814
Obama1.0%4.7%2.5%14.0%$42,914
Trump2.6%6.4%1.4%11.9%$48,286
Biden2.6%3.5%5.0%12.8%$46,682

This series provides a context of important decisions by America’s presidents that are connected to the expected economic decisions facing our current president’s administration. The background information and questions provide an opportunity for small and large group discussions, structured debate, and additional investigation and research. They may be used for current events, as a substitute lesson activity or integrated into a lesson.

In the case study below, have your students investigate the economic problem, different perspectives on the proposed solution, the short and long term impact of the decision, and how the decision affects Americans in the 21st century.

The Economic Problem:

  1. The world’s economy collapsed as a result of World War I. The Bretton Woods Agreement provided stability with a fixed exchange rate of $35 U.S. dollars to an ounce of gold. The strength of the U.S. dollar and economy was good for the United States and other countries. In fact, the gold of most countries was at the Federal Reserve Bank in New York, so it was easy to physically move gold from one vault to another. The Marshall Plan provided $13.3 billion (about $175 billion in today’s money) to rebuild Europe. The Bretton Woods Agreement supported a global economy and international trade and cooperation.
  • By 1960, the U.S. economy began facing new challenges from the Baby Boomers, national debt, Cold War, trade deficit, higher unemployment and inflation. Economists introduced new research on the economy. The ideas of John Maynard Keynes that were seen as helpful to the challenges of the Great Depression and World War II were questioned in the 1960s by Milton Friedman and Paul Samuelson and other economists who carefully followed the money supply in the economy. In response to the cost of the Vietnam War and the Great Society programs, in addition to the increased consumption of the Baby Boomers, the interest rate policy of the Federal Reserve Bank supported an increase in dollars.
  • President Richard Nixon understood the political implications of the U.S. economy. Although an inflation rate of 4.7% may not appear to be a concern, it is an increase of 50% from the expected rate of 3% and a GDP growth rate of 2%. When President Nixon became president ever nation wanted dollars. The amount of dollars in circulation increased to four times the amount of gold in reserves. As aa result the dollar was overvalued and very strong. This situation negatively impacted our balance of trade with other countries. In 1971, the United States reported its first trade deficit.
  • As the supply of dollars increased over the quantity of gold, the United States Treasury feared that countries might ask for their gold and the United States would not be able to meet their demands. As inflation increases, the purchasing power of the dollar decreases. A simple solution would be to devalue the dollar but since it was pegged to gold at $35 an ounce, this was not possible. The situation became critical in 1971when Britain requested selling $3 billion dollars it had from a trade surplus for gold. The United States only had about $10 billion in gold and if other countries asked for gold, there would be an international crisis.

Activity #1 – The Strong Dollar:

Examine the graph below for the years 1950-1970. Calculate the percent decline in the purchasing power of the dollar.  How does a weaker dollar affect trade and the national economy?  What are the advantages and disadvantages of a stronger and weaker dollar?

Activity #2 – The Weaker Dollar

Examine the data in this chart, especially for the years, 1960-1980. The amount of gold reserves (left axis) is constant but the value of the dollar changes. Which events in the 1960s likely affected the weakening of the U.S. dollar? Which decisions or events in the 1970’s contributed to the noticeable decline in the dollar. How does a weaker dollar affect the economy differently for consumers and investors?

Solutions to the Problem:

President Lyndon Johnson responded to the ‘small’ (18%) decrease in the value of the dollar in 1968 with a temporary (one-year) surcharge of 10% on income tax payments. The purpose of the additional tax was to reduce or stabilize the 3.0 percent rate of inflation. Even with the surcharge, inflation increased to 4.7% within the year. On August 25, 1969, the federal funds rate was at 9.75%, the highest level since World War 2, about seven percent above the GDP growth rate, and will cause an economic recession. The economic advisors, including Arthur Burns, Chairman of the Federal Reserve Bank, informed Nixon that the traditional monetary and fiscal policy tools were not working, President Nixon extended the tax surcharge through 1970. With the presidential election in 1972, Nixon knew that he needed to control the rising rate of inflation and avoid causing a recession.

President Nixon called for a secret meeting at Camp David to address this problem. He knew that politically the need to make a bold decision, like FDR with the decision to close the banks in March 1933. He also wisely sought the perspectives of economists with different points of view.

On August 15, 1971, President Nixon addressed the nation from the Oval Office with his historic decision, Executive Order 11615:

  1. Wage and price controls for 90 days
  2. Ending the Bretton Woods Agreement on converting dollars to gold
  3. 10% surcharge tax on tariffs

The Fed Funds rate in August 1971 was at 5.75% about three percent higher than the GDP rate of growth. One of the objectives of the “Nixon Shock” was to force other countries, especially China, to revalue their currencies to allow for a competitive free trade market for the United States. The stock market jumped 4% on August 16, but the decision to allow gold to be bought and sold at the market would lead to an unexpected increase in the price of oil. The wage and price controls and tariff surcharge were lifted by the end of 1971 but making the U.S. dollar the reserve currency of the world had lasting implications for the economy. President Nixon won the 1972 election by a landslide but the negative effects of then Nixon Shock would return in 1973.

Activity #3 – Interviews/Oral History:

Invite students to interview senior citizens who will have different perspectives as investors, bankers, union workers, homeowners, etc. on the “Nixon Shock.” For example, I was a high school teacher in New York City earning $5,500 a year. Prices were high from inflation and I was looking forward to a 20% salary increase, about $1,000, on September 1, 1971. My 1969-70 salary was frozen as was the pay scale for another year.  In 1973, the price of gasoline increased from 39 cents a gallon to more than 60 cents and gas was rationed. Although the energy crisis was the result of an embargo by OPEC against the United States for our support of Israel in the Yom Kippur War. After the embargo was lifted the higher cost of energy continued contributing to unemployment and continuing inflation. This became known as stagflation.

History of the Gold Standard

Activity #4 – The Popularity of Credit Cards:

Gather information about the new technologies of how credit cards, money markets, and currency swaps increased personal spending, consumption, and the velocity of money.

  1. How did the banking industry change to ‘create’ new money in the economy?

In the chart below, currency represents coins and dollars, what we call cash.

M1 money represents currency plus money in a checking account which can quickly be exchanged for cash.

M2 money represents money that requires going to the bank tor waiting more than one month to convert the money to cash. (i.e. certificate of deposit)

  • Calculate the slope of the graph in dollars and also by the annual percentage change.
  • How did this contribute to inequality, consumer debt, and inflation?
  • What is the difference between installment credit and revolving credit?
  • How did the credit card change our standard of living?
  • What were the consequences of higher unemployment and full employment?
  • How did two income households affect the supply of money?

The Evolution of Consumer Credit in America

Activity #5 – Worker Productivity:

  1. What information is provided in the graph?
  2. What are several reasons for an increase in productivity by workers?
  3. How can high school students become more productive in their social studies class? (i.e. better grades, complete additional assignments and projects)
  4. Should a worker be paid on the amount of work they produce or on the wage they agreed to when they were hired? Should a teacher be paid based on the output (grades) of the students in their classes?
  5. Why do the red and blue lines diverge after 1970? Why is there a significant gap between what workers are producing in one hour and what they are paid?

How did taking the U.S. Dollar off the gold standard affect the economy?

The immediate impact of separating the value of the dollar from a fixed exchange rate of $35 was that the new value increased by 10% to $38 an ounce. It took about four years for the global economy to stabilize and accept dollars as the reserve currency (or safety net) in the event of a crisis. The supply of gold increased significantly after 1971 with about half of the current supply of gold being mined since the ‘Nixon Shock’.

  1. How do countries buy dollars? How does this affect our economy?

Major Foreign Holders of U.S. Treasury Securities as of April 2024

Source:

  • Is it possible for foreign countries to have too many U.S. dollars?
  • How would the decision of other countries to adopt a different currency affect the economy of the United States?
  • If a group of countries made a secret agreement to sell their U.S. dollars in a short period of time and purchase euros or the renminbi instead, how would the United States economy be affected?
  • What is the future of the dollar as the reserve currency? Does the United States have more advantages than disadvantages of being the dominant economic power in the world? The Dollar: The World’s Reserve Currency

President Bill Clinton – Tariffs and Free Trade Agreements

The Impact of Economic Decisions by American Presidents Series

President Bill Clinton – Tariffs and Free Trade Agreements

Most decisions by American presidents and other world leaders do not have an immediate impact on the economy, regarding the macroeconomics of employment and inflation, at least in the short term of their administration. For example, President Franklin Roosevelt’s bank holiday, President John Kennedy’s tariff on imported steel, and President Ronald Reagan’s Economic Recovery Tax Act had limited immediate effects on the economy, but their long-term effects are significant. The accomplishments or problems of the previous administration will likely impact the administration that follows. For example, President Biden faced criticism about the economy in his administration, but the steps taken to address them may not show results until years later. The drop in Real Disposable Income from the administration of President Trump is significant because it measures income after taxes and inflation.

PresidentGDP GrowthUnemployment RateInflation RatePoverty RateReal Disposable Income
Johnson2.6%3.4%4.4%12.8%$17,181
Nixon2.0%5.5%10.9%12.0%$19,621
Ford2.8%7.5%5.2%11.9%$20,780
Carter4.6%7.4%11.8%13.0%$21,891
Reagan2.1%5.4%4.7%13.1%$27,080
H.W. Bush0.7%7.3%3.3%14.5%$27,990
Clinton0.3%4.2%3.7%11.3%$34,216
G.W. Bush-1.2%7.8%0.0%13.2%$37,814
Obama1.0%4.7%2.5%14.0%$42,914
Trump2.6%6.4%1.4%11.9%$48,286
Biden2.6%3.5%5.0%12.8%$46,682

This series provides a context of important decisions by America’s presidents that are connected to the expected economic decisions facing our current president’s administration. The background information and questions provide an opportunity for small and large group discussions, structured debate, and additional investigation and research. They may be used for current events, as a substitute lesson activity or integrated into a lesson.

In the case study below, have your students investigate the economic problem, different perspectives on the proposed solution, the short- and long-term impact of the decision, and how the decision affects Americans in the 21st century.

The Economic Problem

Students in your class are likely familiar with mercantilism and its benefits to the “mother country” or “home country”. 18th century mercantilism utilized the resources and cheaper labor of colonies or other places to the benefit of one country. Adam Smith challenged the benefits of mercantilism and advocated laissez-faire economics, the balance of supply and demand, and open markets. Smith believed that mercantilism was a self-defeating system that limited economic growth and national wealth. He argued that a free-market system and free trade would produce true national wealth. 

However, political leaders may not agree (or understand) economic theories or how economic systems work. In Washington’s administration, Secretary of the treasury, Alexander Hamilton argued for a tariff. His Report on Manufacturers argued for the protection of the new manufacturing sector of the United States (Paterson and the Great Falls) and having a tariff to raise revenue for the federal government. Hamilton compromised on his tariff plan and the Tariff Act of 1789 was only 5%.

Henry Clay’s American System supported tariffs to protect our economic growth from foreign imports. His speech in 1824 was the first attempt to make America self-sufficient and independent of other countries. In 1828, Congress passed the Tariff of Abominations which led South Carolina to pass the Nullification Act.  The Tariff of 1828 set a 38% tax on some imported goods and a 45% tax on certain imported raw materials.

Questions:

  1. How was the American System designed to work?
  2. What impact did the American System have on the U.S. economy during the early to mid-1800s?
  3. Did the American System benefit each region equally or did some regions have an advantage?
  4. How did the American System set the stage for the Industrial Revolution and sectionalism?
  5. What lessons should have been learned from the Tariff of 1828?

In the chart below, use the data beginning in 1800 with the Per Capita Income (per person) set at 200. This number indicates that the per person income from 1700 to 1800 doubled. Next, examine the indicator in 1850, which is set at 220. This indicates that the per person income increased only 20% in the fifty years since 1800. This is less than one-half percent per year on average.

Next, compare the date on tariff rates in the graph above with the per capita income rates in the graph below. Do tariffs impact economic growth?

At the beginning of the 19th century, the United States was a rural and agricultural country. Our nation’s population was small compared to Britain and France and scattered over a large area. Our population was 5.3 million in 1800, compared to Britain’s 15 million and France’s 27 million. Tariffs from Britain and France were high and significantly made the price of imported goods in the United states high.

After the War of 1812, the American economy began to grow. The development of steamboats, canals, railroads and the telegraph reduced costs and made communications faster. The growth of cities created markets for industrial goods. New inventions increased agricultural production and textile manufactures.  Children, immigrants, and women provided affordable labor.  Source

Activity #1

Discuss and debate the role of the federal government in the economy.

Do tariffs support or restrict economic growth?

Does free trade support or restrict economic growth?

Why do you think Britain lowered tariffs after 1828 and France did not?

Is economic growth dependent on the age, health, and skills of the labor force?

Is economic growth dependent on the infrastructure of a country to facilitate the distribution of goods and services?

How can governments best distribute wealth equally in the economy?

Do national leaders have any significant influence on economic growth?

How did the stock and commodities markets provide money (capital) for economic growth?

After the Civil War, the United States experienced unprecedented economic growth with the Industrial Revolution, imperialism, and immigration. The use of greenbacks and silver provided capital, cities provided markets for stores, immigrants provided affordable labor, and new technologies increased productivity and the efficient distribution of goods and services.

The beginning of a market exchange for bonds, agricultural products, and stocks developed with the Buttonwood Agreement in Manhattan. Stockbrokers and merchants met under the Buttonwood tree to sign an agreement that established the foundation for the New York Stock Exchange. The building with the flag is the Tontine Coffee House, where stocks were eventually traded.

The Mohawk & Hudson Railroad Company was the first railroad stock listed on the NYSE in 1830. At that time, the Exchange was called the New York Stock & Exchange Board. Banks and steel foundries were also listed. Mercantile exchanges for agricultural products provided guidance on the future demand for wheat, rice, tobacco, cotton and other products. These investments supported economic growth more than the protectionism of tariffs.

The flow of international capital into the United States provided capital for the Industrial Revolution that followed the Civil War. The market cap/GDP ratio tripled from around 15% in the 1860s to 50% by 1900. The inflation in the United States that occurred after World War I, World War II and the Vietnam War reduced the relationship of the market cap/GDP ratio and slowed the rate of economic growth. After each of these inflationary cycles, a return to higher tariffs to limit cheaper imports from other countries was the solution proposed by political leaders.  Economists, Joseph Schumpeter, Friedrich Hayek, John Maynard Keynes and Milton Friedman advocated for lower tariffs, innovation, and entrepreneurs to promote economic growth. The ratification of the 16th amendment and the adoption of the income tax in the United States undermined the argument that tariffs were necessary to fund the government and to protect industries from foreign competition.

President Hoover signed the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act in 1930 raising the tariff by an average of 20% to protect American farmers from the effects of the stock market crash. The tariff caused trade between Europe and the U.S. to decline by two-thirds. At the end of World War II, tariffs were decreased substantially, and the U.S. supported the establishment of the World Trade Organization, which has sought to promote the reduction of tariff barriers to world trade.

Questions:

  1. Does the public or private sector have the greater influence on economic growth and stabilizing inflation?
  2. What can be done to limit the effects of business cycles leading to inflation and unemployment?
  3. How effective are tariffs, embargoes, and sanctions in getting leaders of countries to negotiate or change their policies to align with the interests of the United States?
  4. Under what circumstances might tariffs be justified or effective?
  5. Examine the graph below to determine the biggest employer in the United States.
  • What conclusions can you make about the largest private employers in each state from the map below?

RWJBarnabas Health is the largest private employer in New Jersey, with 31,683 employees. Healthcare is a major employer in the state, accounting for 16% of all jobs. Who is the largest private employer in your county?

Activity #2:

Use the chart below to compare the change in prices for an automobile before and after a hypothetical tariff of 20%. Because automobiles have thousands of parts and assembling an automobile often occurs in different countries, a tariff has the greatest impact on new cars.

Interview a local car dealer in your community about how a tariff will affect their business and how they plan to respond with sales, rebates, reduced financing, layoffs of workers, etc. Also ask about how a tariff will affect parts, tires, and the repair or maintenance of automobiles.

Make a list of five or more other businesses in your community that import supplies from other countries. (phones, Dollar Stores, coffee, clothing, TV monitors, etc.) If possible, research or interview the manager of a local big box store (Walgreens, Target) about how a tariff will affect their business.

Create a graphic design or flow chart to illustrate how the effect of higher prices from tariffs will affect consumer spending. For example, if prices increase by 20% and salaries increase by 5%, how will this affect businesses and households? Higher prices from tariffs are considered inflationary and layoffs from reduced sales are considered recessionary. Discuss what the short-term impact (three years) will be on the economy and your family.

The Movement Towards Free Trade Agreements

In 1951, six countries (France, Germany, Italy, Belgium, Netherlands, and Luxembourg) agreed to sell coal and steel to each other without tariffs. The European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) established a single common market. In 1957, the European Economic Community (ECC) was created by the Treaty of Rome. The six countries that formed the European Coal and Steel Community agreed to trade additional goods without tariffs, to work together on nuclear power plants for energy, and to form a parliament. In 1992 the Maastricht Treaty was signed by 12 countries leading to the European Union and a common currency, the euro, in 1999. The euro was fully implemented by 2002.

President Clinton’s administration signed the North American Free Trade agreement with Mexico and Canada in 1993 (it became effective on January 1, 1994) removing tariffs between these countries. The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (T-TIP) is a trade and investment agreement currently being negotiated between the United States and the European Union. This agreement will allow American families, workers, businesses, farmers and ranchers through increased access to European markets for Made-in-America goods and services.

In 2020, the Conservative Party in Britain convinced the people to leave the European Union (Brexit).  The United Kingdom was the second-largest economy in Europe, its third-most populous country, and one of the largest contributors to the budget of the European union.  In January 2024, an independent report by Cambridge Econometrics claimed there were two million fewer jobs, and the prices of essential goods were higher. As a result of Brexit, the average citizen (per person) lost about 2,000 pounds and someone living in London about 3,400 pounds as a result of leaving the common market.

It is difficult to assess the impact of NAFTA on the United States because of currency value fluctuations, trade with China, the impact of technology, the relocation of some corporations, and the values placed on agricultural products.  The Center for Economic and Policy Research estimated in 2014 a decline from a surplus of $1.7 billion to a deficit of $54 billion. The data in the graphs below suggest a positive trade balance with Canada and Mexico over the past 30 years. (1994-2022) Mexico, Canada, and China are the three major trading partners with the United States.

In the graph below there is a slight increase in exports from the United States to Mexico and exports with Canada continue at 15%. Exports to China had a significant drop of about one-third.

Data Reflecting the new USMCA ratified in 2019.

Activity #3

Maple syrup, pine lumber, and cranberries are a few items in our homes that are likely imported from Canada under NAFTA or the new USMCA. Lululemon and Blackberry are brands from Canada. Appliances, automobiles, tomatoes, avocados, electronics, monitors are some items from Mexico.

Identify items in your home with labels from Mexico and Canada, interview merchants in supermarkets and department stores, and conduct research to identify the importance of trade between the United States, Canada, and Mexico.

Develop a position statement or a short paper explaining your opinion on tariffs and free trade agreements to stimulate economic growth and stabilize inflation.

Book Review: The Spirit of New York: Defining Events in the Empire State’s History

The Spirit of New York: Defining Events in the Empire State’s History (2nd ed., SUNY Press, 2022)

by Bruce W. Dearstyne

This book presents an overview of New York history in the form of 20 exciting, engaging stories. These include, for instance, the beginning of New York State with the completion of the first state constitution in 1777; the “Anti-Rent Wars” in the mid-Hudson region in the 19th century when tenant farmers fought for the right to buy and own their own land; the Seneca Falls’ women’s right convention in 1848, which launched the demand for women’s right to vote and legal equality; and Syracuse citizens’ rescue of a fugitive slave from a marshal who sought to return him to slavery in 1851.

The book describes the campaign against child labor in 1903; the work of pioneering New York aviator Glenn Curtiss, the inventor of several modern airplane flight controls and the first to fly down the Hudson River in 1910; Jackie Robinson’s debut as the first Black major league baseball player in 1947; the construction and opening of the State Thruway in 1954; and the debut of the hit musical, Hamilton, in 2015, and the history behind the events it presents. The narrative for each chapter is woven around what led up to a key event, what happened, and what the results were. The book’s stories feature first-hand, eyewitness accounts by history-makers, participants and observers at the time. The author calls this “a scholarly book for a popular audience.” Because of New York’s historical importance, many of the stories have relevance to American as well as New York history. Social studies and history teachers can use the stories in the book as the basis for their classroom presentations and for study, essays, and discussion by students.

Book Review: Once We Were Brothers

Once We Were Brothers: A Novel, by Ronald H. Balson, 2013.  New York: St. Martin’s Griffin.

Review by Thomas Hansen, Ph.D.

This is yet another wonderful book with great writing and captivating action—but it is a book  about a terrible story.  It describes the close friendship between a German/Polish Christian boy who is raised by a Jewish family in a small village in Poland.  The time is World War II, and the story is based on–and connects to–historical points of the time.

It is said to be a book that is “hard to put down.”  Indeed, it is.  Balson’s first novel, this book contains good writing, suitable pacing and forward movement, plus a lot of information about what was happening in rural Poland in that period.  There is also some direct teaching involved, with characters explaining what certain terms meant and what various Nazi policies entailed.

The book consists mainly of flashbacks to what was happening in Poland among the families and friends of Ben Solomon, the Jewish boy whose life is at the center of the story.  Chicago readers will be interested to know that the modern-day sections include scenes from Winnetka, the Loop, and the lakefront also.  

The book is a novel, with a huge amount of factual and historical foundation.

It dovetails into Common Core Standards college-readiness levels and college-use levels also.

I will recommend the book, but I remind readers that many of the scenes described and the action discussed will not be at all pleasurable.  Like many stories of the Holocaust, this one is very disturbing yet one which we must read, discuss, and remember.  

The book should be required reading for college students–in any major–and good for educators to read also.  As always, educators should read the book closely to see if there are passages inappropriate for younger readers.

Book Review: Human Geography: A Concise Introduction

Human Geography: A Concise Introduction, by Mark Boyle.  Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell. 2015, paper, 318 pages.

By Thomas Hansen, Ph.D.

This is a very interesting book because it is not from mainstream sources and is not a traditional format text.

This is a textbook meant for college and university courses within the United Kingdom, but the book can be used as a textbook anywhere, good background reading, and interesting data for writing social studies units and lessons in K-12 classrooms.  Meant for a semester-long course, the book includes major points in history to illustrate what human geography is.

As in most of my reviews, I try not to give away all of the content and key ideas in the review.  I talk more in this particular review about the overall approach of the book, some interesting features and themes, my personal reaction, and some possible uses for the book.  I begin here by discussing how the book’s author sets up the discussion.

The author uses a historical approach in discussing human geography and this is mirrored in the way the book is organized—from the beginnings of civilization and the notion of what geography is.  The vocabulary and basic concepts of the subject are presented in the first chapter.  

There are 12 chapters, including a wide range of watershed events, natural disasters, migration, changing economies, and our current understanding of geography.  Each chapter begins with a table of contents and a list of learning objectives.  Each chapter ends with a conclusion of the most important points made, a bank of three essay questions, and references for further reading of what was found in the chapter.  The format of the chapters could be helpful for students seeking lots of clarity in their reading. 

One thing that really stands out in the book is the use of the “zoom-in boxes.”  These are similar to sidebars, but they take up sometimes a full page or more than one page of text, stories and examples related to whatever the information is they interrupt.  The problem is, there are so very many of them that they are aggravating.  Right in the middle of a section on a given topic or subtopic, there is some discussion of how something is an example of X.  When faced with these,

I did not know if I should stop reading the chapter and read the zoom-in box instead, or read for a while and come back to it.

The zoom-in box phenomenon was a very strange aspect of the book for me.  Perhaps this sort of zoom-in box is a tradition in some fields, or in some lands, but it was something I did not ever get used to.  I did not know how to incorporate them into the flow of what I was reading.  Maybe the use of the zoom-in box is aimed at readers with short attention spans?

Another noticeable aspect of the book for me was the persistent theme of the West having imposed its will so strongly worldwide that this has resulted in a strong and pervasive clash of cultures noticeable around the globe (e.g., p. 99).  This sentiment appears throughout the book and is also spelled out at several points.  Readers will see it early on, and they will draw their own conclusions from it.

In responding to this text, I must admit I enjoyed very much the topics and discussion of the different themes and components of what makes geography work.  Aside from the strange tone of the book, and the zoom-in boxes, I got a great deal out of reviewing this topic—one I have always felt is greatly slighted in schools. 

I remember in my own case studying geography in elementary school—we had a book on it one year!  In high school, I took a course on physical geography—in addition to taking French, German and Spanish language courses.  A survey course on cultural geography was one of the very first electives I took in college.  I went on to study several other world languages in college. 

Of course, in studying about other languages and cultures, a knowledge of geography is essential.  Therefore, I do not need to be convinced it is an important topic for study.   

I would recommend the book to give teachers of social studies, world languages, and other subjects a different perspective and a way to connect history and geography.  It is always interesting to me to see how books are laid out in other countries and learn from different points of view.  This is good material for a teacher’s professional library, and the book can also be used to help inform and design units for the classroom. 

Because the book is too long for a short professional development session, it fits more in the category of resource and reference material for teachers of cultural and world-focused subjects. 

Human Geography: A Concise Introduction, by Mark Boyle.  Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell. 2015, paper, 318 pages.

By Thomas Hansen, Ph.D.

This is a very interesting book because it is not from mainstream sources and is not a traditional format text.

This is a textbook meant for college and university courses within the United Kingdom, but the book can be used as a textbook anywhere, good background reading, and interesting data for writing social studies units and lessons in K-12 classrooms.  Meant for a semester-long course, the book includes major points in history to illustrate what human geography is.

As in most of my reviews, I try not to give away all of the content and key ideas in the review.  I talk more in this particular review about the overall approach of the book, some interesting features and themes, my personal reaction, and some possible uses for the book.  I begin here by discussing how the book’s author sets up the discussion.

The author uses a historical approach in discussing human geography and this is mirrored in the way the book is organized—from the beginnings of civilization and the notion of what geography is.  The vocabulary and basic concepts of the subject are presented in the first chapter.  

There are 12 chapters, including a wide range of watershed events, natural disasters, migration, changing economies, and our current understanding of geography.  Each chapter begins with a table of contents and a list of learning objectives.  Each chapter ends with a conclusion of the most important points made, a bank of three essay questions, and references for further reading of what was found in the chapter.  The format of the chapters could be helpful for students seeking lots of clarity in their reading. 

One thing that really stands out in the book is the use of the “zoom-in boxes.”  These are similar to sidebars, but they take up sometimes a full page or more than one page of text, stories and examples related to whatever the information is they interrupt.  The problem is, there are so very many of them that they are aggravating.  Right in the middle of a section on a given topic or subtopic, there is some discussion of how something is an example of X.  When faced with these,

I did not know if I should stop reading the chapter and read the zoom-in box instead, or read for a while and come back to it.

The zoom-in box phenomenon was a very strange aspect of the book for me.  Perhaps this sort of zoom-in box is a tradition in some fields, or in some lands, but it was something I did not ever get used to.  I did not know how to incorporate them into the flow of what I was reading.  Maybe the use of the zoom-in box is aimed at readers with short attention spans?

Another noticeable aspect of the book for me was the persistent theme of the West having imposed its will so strongly worldwide that this has resulted in a strong and pervasive clash of cultures noticeable around the globe (e.g., p. 99).  This sentiment appears throughout the book and is also spelled out at several points.  Readers will see it early on, and they will draw their own conclusions from it.

In responding to this text, I must admit I enjoyed very much the topics and discussion of the different themes and components of what makes geography work.  Aside from the strange tone of the book, and the zoom-in boxes, I got a great deal out of reviewing this topic—one I have always felt is greatly slighted in schools. 

I remember in my own case studying geography in elementary school—we had a book on it one year!  In high school, I took a course on physical geography—in addition to taking French, German and Spanish language courses.  A survey course on cultural geography was one of the very first electives I took in college.  I went on to study several other world languages in college. 

Of course, in studying about other languages and cultures, a knowledge of geography is essential.  Therefore, I do not need to be convinced it is an important topic for study.   

I would recommend the book to give teachers of social studies, world languages, and other subjects a different perspective and a way to connect history and geography.  It is always interesting to me to see how books are laid out in other countries and learn from different points of view.  This is good material for a teacher’s professional library, and the book can also be used to help inform and design units for the classroom. 

Because the book is too long for a short professional development session, it fits more in the category of resource and reference material for teachers of cultural and world-focused subjects. 

Human Geography: A Concise Introduction, by Mark Boyle.  Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell. 2015, paper, 318 pages.

By Thomas Hansen, Ph.D.

This is a very interesting book because it is not from mainstream sources and is not a traditional format text.

This is a textbook meant for college and university courses within the United Kingdom, but the book can be used as a textbook anywhere, good background reading, and interesting data for writing social studies units and lessons in K-12 classrooms.  Meant for a semester-long course, the book includes major points in history to illustrate what human geography is.

As in most of my reviews, I try not to give away all of the content and key ideas in the review.  I talk more in this particular review about the overall approach of the book, some interesting features and themes, my personal reaction, and some possible uses for the book.  I begin here by discussing how the book’s author sets up the discussion.

The author uses a historical approach in discussing human geography and this is mirrored in the way the book is organized—from the beginnings of civilization and the notion of what geography is.  The vocabulary and basic concepts of the subject are presented in the first chapter.  

There are 12 chapters, including a wide range of watershed events, natural disasters, migration, changing economies, and our current understanding of geography.  Each chapter begins with a table of contents and a list of learning objectives.  Each chapter ends with a conclusion of the most important points made, a bank of three essay questions, and references for further reading of what was found in the chapter.  The format of the chapters could be helpful for students seeking lots of clarity in their reading. 

One thing that really stands out in the book is the use of the “zoom-in boxes.”  These are similar to sidebars, but they take up sometimes a full page or more than one page of text, stories and examples related to whatever the information is they interrupt.  The problem is, there are so very many of them that they are aggravating.  Right in the middle of a section on a given topic or subtopic, there is some discussion of how something is an example of X.  When faced with these,

I did not know if I should stop reading the chapter and read the zoom-in box instead, or read for a while and come back to it.

The zoom-in box phenomenon was a very strange aspect of the book for me.  Perhaps this sort of zoom-in box is a tradition in some fields, or in some lands, but it was something I did not ever get used to.  I did not know how to incorporate them into the flow of what I was reading.  Maybe the use of the zoom-in box is aimed at readers with short attention spans?

Another noticeable aspect of the book for me was the persistent theme of the West having imposed its will so strongly worldwide that this has resulted in a strong and pervasive clash of cultures noticeable around the globe (e.g., p. 99).  This sentiment appears throughout the book and is also spelled out at several points.  Readers will see it early on, and they will draw their own conclusions from it.

In responding to this text, I must admit I enjoyed very much the topics and discussion of the different themes and components of what makes geography work.  Aside from the strange tone of the book, and the zoom-in boxes, I got a great deal out of reviewing this topic—one I have always felt is greatly slighted in schools. 

I remember in my own case studying geography in elementary school—we had a book on it one year!  In high school, I took a course on physical geography—in addition to taking French, German and Spanish language courses.  A survey course on cultural geography was one of the very first electives I took in college.  I went on to study several other world languages in college. 

Of course, in studying about other languages and cultures, a knowledge of geography is essential.  Therefore, I do not need to be convinced it is an important topic for study.   

I would recommend the book to give teachers of social studies, world languages, and other subjects a different perspective and a way to connect history and geography.  It is always interesting to me to see how books are laid out in other countries and learn from different points of view.  This is good material for a teacher’s professional library, and the book can also be used to help inform and design units for the classroom. 

Because the book is too long for a short professional development session, it fits more in the category of resource and reference material for teachers of cultural and world-focused subjects. 

Human Geography: A Concise Introduction, by Mark Boyle.  Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell. 2015, paper, 318 pages.

By Thomas Hansen, Ph.D.

This is a very interesting book because it is not from mainstream sources and is not a traditional format text.

This is a textbook meant for college and university courses within the United Kingdom, but the book can be used as a textbook anywhere, good background reading, and interesting data for writing social studies units and lessons in K-12 classrooms.  Meant for a semester-long course, the book includes major points in history to illustrate what human geography is.

As in most of my reviews, I try not to give away all of the content and key ideas in the review.  I talk more in this particular review about the overall approach of the book, some interesting features and themes, my personal reaction, and some possible uses for the book.  I begin here by discussing how the book’s author sets up the discussion.

The author uses a historical approach in discussing human geography and this is mirrored in the way the book is organized—from the beginnings of civilization and the notion of what geography is.  The vocabulary and basic concepts of the subject are presented in the first chapter.  

There are 12 chapters, including a wide range of watershed events, natural disasters, migration, changing economies, and our current understanding of geography.  Each chapter begins with a table of contents and a list of learning objectives.  Each chapter ends with a conclusion of the most important points made, a bank of three essay questions, and references for further reading of what was found in the chapter.  The format of the chapters could be helpful for students seeking lots of clarity in their reading. 

One thing that really stands out in the book is the use of the “zoom-in boxes.”  These are similar to sidebars, but they take up sometimes a full page or more than one page of text, stories and examples related to whatever the information is they interrupt.  The problem is, there are so very many of them that they are aggravating.  Right in the middle of a section on a given topic or subtopic, there is some discussion of how something is an example of X.  When faced with these,

I did not know if I should stop reading the chapter and read the zoom-in box instead, or read for a while and come back to it.

The zoom-in box phenomenon was a very strange aspect of the book for me.  Perhaps this sort of zoom-in box is a tradition in some fields, or in some lands, but it was something I did not ever get used to.  I did not know how to incorporate them into the flow of what I was reading.  Maybe the use of the zoom-in box is aimed at readers with short attention spans?

Another noticeable aspect of the book for me was the persistent theme of the West having imposed its will so strongly worldwide that this has resulted in a strong and pervasive clash of cultures noticeable around the globe (e.g., p. 99).  This sentiment appears throughout the book and is also spelled out at several points.  Readers will see it early on, and they will draw their own conclusions from it.

In responding to this text, I must admit I enjoyed very much the topics and discussion of the different themes and components of what makes geography work.  Aside from the strange tone of the book, and the zoom-in boxes, I got a great deal out of reviewing this topic—one I have always felt is greatly slighted in schools. 

I remember in my own case studying geography in elementary school—we had a book on it one year!  In high school, I took a course on physical geography—in addition to taking French, German and Spanish language courses.  A survey course on cultural geography was one of the very first electives I took in college.  I went on to study several other world languages in college. 

Of course, in studying about other languages and cultures, a knowledge of geography is essential.  Therefore, I do not need to be convinced it is an important topic for study.   

I would recommend the book to give teachers of social studies, world languages, and other subjects a different perspective and a way to connect history and geography.  It is always interesting to me to see how books are laid out in other countries and learn from different points of view.  This is good material for a teacher’s professional library, and the book can also be used to help inform and design units for the classroom. 

Because the book is too long for a short professional development session, it fits more in the category of resource and reference material for teachers of cultural and world-focused subjects. 

Book Review: The Children of Willesden Lane: Beyond the Kindertransport—A Memoir of Music, Love, and Survival,

The Children of Willesden Lane: Beyond the Kindertransport—A Memoir of Music, Love, and Survival, by Mona Golabek and Lee Cohen, 2002. New York: Grand Central, Paper, 272 pages.

Reviewed by Thomas Hansen, Ph.D.

The Children of Willesden Lane is based on the true story of the pianist Lisa Jura, a Jewish girl from Vienna, who was sent by her parents to England where she was supposed to be assisted by a cousin there during the time of the Kindertransport, the program sending children out of Austria and Germany to safety. The book is written by her daughter, Mona, who reports on what was happening in Vienna after the Annexation.

When Lisa arrives in England, the cousin who is supposed to house and feed her reneges on the agreement. This leads her to the hostel on Willesden Lane where she and a score of other Jewish children from various countries in Europe form bonds, become strong, and face with dignity and perseverance a very uncertain future.

Lisa fights hard to get her older sister to England, enlisting the help of the other children in the facility to find a sponsor for her. Lisa herself is protected by the woman running the hostel, and Lisa becomes a leader of the other youngsters. Lisa’s father is a tailor, and he has taught her how to use a sewing machine. Because of this, she is hired right away to work in a factory making trousers. Her income helps support the hostel.

A musician, Lisa is faced with a lifetime of servitude until she has some decent breaks because of the woman in charge of the hostel and others who are pulling for her. She is allowed to audition for a scholarship to study classical music.

Teachers, writers, and musicians will appreciate this book because it tells of worlds that sometimes can only be imagined. I was able to understand most (not all!) of the technical information about music here because of my mother filling our home with melodies—and constant discussion of music theory. I too studied the piano, but alas I was not meant to be a pianist!

Lisa perseveres in the story. She fights hard to practice for the scholarship, at the same time she works making uniforms in the factory.

The human spirit is so strong. I am always amazed by this fact.

Lisa’s story is a beautiful one. It includes such hope and so much good news. The story also includes some bad news, however, because of what is happening in Europe with the war and all of Hitler’s policies uprooting and destroying entire threads of history, family ties, destiny of entire peoples, and freedom.

It is freedom itself that is at the core of the themes in this book. Losing freedom and gaining freedom are two of the biggest events we can experience as thinking persons.

Book Review: A Hudson Valley Reckoning: Discovering the Forgotten History of Slaveholding in My Dutch American Family

A Hudson Valley Reckoning: Discovering the Forgotten History of Slaveholding in My Dutch American Family

by Debra Bruno (Three Hills, 2024)

Reviewed by Imani Hinson

For many, slavery in the North is nothing but a long-ago memory, a story that is often untold due to the cruelties of enslavement in the South and the long-lasting impact of enslavement in the Southern part of the United States. The general public is not always aware of the enslavement of African people in the North with only recent discoveries being brought to light. A Hudson Valley Reckoning: Discovering the Forgotten History of Slaveholding in My Dutch American Family showcases the stories of enslaved people who lived in Greene County, New York. The author, Debra Bruno, offers a new perspective on the enslaved in New York by exploring her own lineage and that of a distant cousin named Eleanor.

In this thirteen-chapter narrative, Bruno tells the story of her slave-holding Dutch family and the connection between her relatives and those who they might have enslaved. Eleanor is a descendant of the individuals whom Bruno’s family enslaved. Bruno discusses how historians, politicians, journalists, and every day people have erased significant features of enslavement in the North and painted a quaint picture of enslaved people helping the Dutch with their farms, houses, and livestock. Bruno, however, provides a much clearer picture of the reality of slavery in Dutch New York. She visited Macon, Georgia, and Curacao as she dug deeper into her family’s history.

In the introduction, Bruno describes her upbringing and the proud nature of her family’s Dutch heritage. She draws the reader in by describing her hometown of Athens and Coxsackie, places located along the Hudson River. Her American family began with Lambert Van Valkenburg, who settled in New Amsterdam in the early 1600s and later sold this land relocated on the North River, now the Hudson River. Her ancestor originally owned land in New Amsterdam where the where Empire State Building is located.

While digging into the history of her family, Bruno decided to explore whether they were enslavers. Bruno used Ancestry.com where she found various records including newspaper clippings, census data, photographs, and wills. Valkenburg did not provide significant results, so she searched under Collier, her grandmother’s family name. Bruno found a will from what would be her Great Grandfather five times back. He had many children and grandchildren around the Coxsackie area and left a will bequeathing much of his property to them. As Bruno combed through the pages of the will she saw it, “detailed like inventory along with his property and cows were slaves” (6).

Chapter four illustrates enslavement in the North with an analysis of a painting. “Van Bergen Overmantel” was commissioned by the Van Bergen family in the early 1700s to hang in the family home. It depicted what life was like in 18th century Hudson Valley and “is the first visual evidence of slavery on a New York farm” (56). According to Bruno, in 1714 Coxsackie’s population was 21% enslaved people. and by the 1790s in places such as Brooklyn, New York that number went up to 30%. In the late 18th century New York had an enslaved population of 319,000 enslaved people.

In the following chapters Bruno describes the challenges she faced in finding sources from the enslaved that could detail what their life was like on these farms. She notes that they were threatened with being sold down South or the Caribbean, some ran away killing their masters in the escape, and these details just go to show that enslaved life in the North was not a cakewalk as some may think. Even after being emancipated, African Americans still struggled in New York as they fought their right to be citizens and gain full citizenship rights as discussed in chapter nine.

In a discussion of why this history was so important to recover, Bruno emphasized that the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, the nation’s founding documents, not grant the same freedoms to all people living on this land, and that individuals must “accept that only some people have benefited from their promises. To deny that and to distance ourselves from that truth is to misunderstand how our county grew, prospered, and exists today” (233.

Book Review: The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine, A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917- 2017

The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine, A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917- 2017

by Rashid Khalidi (New York: Holt, 2020)

Review by Alan Singer

A year after the brutal attack on Israel by Hamas on October 7, 2023 and the devastating Israeli military response that has killed over 45,000 Palestinians, I reexamined The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine, A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917- 2017 by Columbia University Professor Rashid Khalidi, originally published in 2020. A reviewer for The Nation (Hawa, 2020) described it as “one of the best-researched general surveys of 20th and early 21st century Palestinian life, but it’s also a deeply personal work.” A review in The Guardian (Hughes, 2020) called it “informed and passionate. It pulls no punches in its critique of Jewish-Israeli policies (policies that have had wholehearted US support after 1967), but it also lays out the failings of the Palestinian leadership . . . An elegy for the Palestinians.” The New York Times (Anderson, 2020) reviewer was more critical arguing that Khalidi failed to spell out a resolution to the conflicts between Israel and Palestine and dismissing what he did offer as having an “increasingly fantastic quality.”

Rashid Khalidi’s main arguments are that during the 100-year war on Palestine, the dominant powers, including the United States, favored Zionist ambitions and either ignored or thwarted Palestinian nationalism and that Israel justifies inequality and its aggressive nationalism as part of its need for security. Khalidi’s response is that there are two peoples who legitimately occupy Palestine and there can be no resolution until they both acknowledge the legitimacy of the other. This would require removing external support for the discriminatory and unequal current arrangement. At best the United States has paid lip service to the idea of a two-state solution, but it never placed the needed pressure on Israel to make this possible (245-247). 

Khalidi comes from a prominent Palestinian family, so the history of Palestine is interwoven with his family’s history and his own personal experiences. Khalidi was born and educated in New York City while his father was a United Nations official. He has lived and taught in Lebanon and frequently visited Palestine/Israel for research and family visits. His Palestinian family included generations of Islamic and legal scholars and government officials. One noteworthy relative warned of the threat of Zionism to Palestinians as early as 1899 (4). His grandfather was Hussain al-Khalidi, an advocate for Palestinian rights, a mayor of Jerusalem, and member of the Ottoman parliament. A paternal uncle, Husayn al-Khalidi, was mayor of Jerusalem from 1934 to 1937 when he was sent into exile by the British to the Indian Ocean Seychelles archipelago. He was not able to return to Palestine until 1943.

In The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine, Rashid Khalidi writes a history of the region from a Palestinian lens and deconstructs what he considers to be myths about the founding of Israel and its rise as a regional military power. While Khalidi’s title has the history of the struggle of Palestinians for nationhood beginning in 1917, the book actually begins in the 1890s when Theodore Herzl offered a Zionist vision for a Jewish homeland in Palestine. Herzl proposed a settlement plan based on the expulsion of Palestinians that continued to be implemented after the founding of Israel as an independent state in 1948. Herzl believed that European Jews had to “expropriate gently the private property on the estates assigned to us. We shall try to spirit the penniless population across the border by procuring employment for it in transit countries, while denying it employment in our own country” (4).

Yusuf Diya, the late 19th century Palestinian Mayor of Jerusalem, responded to growing Zionist sentiment in an 1899 letter to the chief rabbi of France. Diya argued that “Palestine is an integral part of the Ottoman Empire, and more gravely, it is inhabited by others.” He concluded the letter “in the name of God, let Palestine be left alone” (5). Herzl answered Diya’s letter acknowledging that a Jewish state in Palestine would be a European settler colony and argued it would “form a part of a wall of defense for Europe in Asia, an outpost of civilization against barbarism” (10). In the 1920s, Ze’ev Jabotinsky, a British World War I veteran who promoted a militaristic Zionism, called for military action to support a Jewish state. In 1925, Jabotinsky wrote “If you wish to colonize a land in which people are already living, you must find a garrison for the land, or find a benefactor who will provide a garrison on your behalf . . . Zionism is a colonizing venture, and therefore, it stands or falls on the question of armed forces” (51).

Khalidi believes that the British Empire was never motivated by altruism towards colonized people, but supported Jewish emigration to Palestine because it would buttress Britain’s position in the eastern Mediterranean and solve its own antisemitic “Jewish Problem.” At the same time during and after World War I the British were promising European Zionists a Jewish state in Palestine with the Balfour Declaration, they were also promising Middle Eastern Arab leaders that independent Arab states including a Palestinian state would be carved out of the Ottoman Empire (25). Balfour recognized the contradictory promises that were made, and in a confidential memo to the British cabinet he wrote “we do not propose even to go through the form of consulting the wishes of the present inhabitants of the country . . . the 700,000 Arabs who now inhabit that ancient land” (38).

The hypocrisy of the British position continued when the League of Nations Mandate for Palestine issued in 1922 formalized British control over Palestine. It included a pledge to honor the Balfour Declaration’s promise of a “national home for the Jewish people” in Palestine and while the mandate included a clause that “nothing should be done which might prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities,” it never directly referenced Palestinians as a people with a right to self-determination, something British and the Americans continued to do in Middle East peace talks into the 1990s (34).

In the 1930s, as Jewish migration from Europe to Palestine expanded, there was growing Palestinian nationalist resistance to the British Mandate including armed battles between the British military and Palestinian rebels that resulted in about one-sixth of the Palestinian male population killed, wounded, imprisoned, or exiled. In response to the uprisings, a British Commission recommended the division of the mandate into two separate states with the formation of a small Jewish homeland on less than 20% of the territory from which the Palestinian population would be transferred, a euphonism for expelled. Khalidi argues that prior to and during World War II, the Palestinian nationalist movement was weakened by British repression and internal division while the Zionist movement was strengthened by British policy that included creating a Jewish Brigade that marched under their own banner in the British Army and arming and training Jewish settlers to help defeat a wartime Palestinian uprising (43-47). The Jewish Brigade and the armed settlers became the core of the Israeli army during the war for independence.

As the horrors of the Nazi extermination campaign became known, with increasing support from diasporan Jews living in the United States and the American and British governments, Zionists positioned themselves for creation of a post-war Jewish state either in a portion of the Palestinian Mandate or in the entire territory (61). After the war, the British Empire receded as the British were forced to accept Indian independence, faced armed colonial resistance in a number of areas, and Jewish settler opposed continuation of the Palestinian Mandate. Great Britain finally turned the future of Palestine over to the newly established United Nations which issued a proposal highly favorable to the Jewish settlers. The Jewish minority would receive over half of the mandate territory to establish an independent state while the much larger Palestinian population would receive a significantly smaller amount of land. The proposed revision led to the Nakba, the catastrophe, the expulsion of tens of thousands of Palestinians from what would become the Jewish state and war between Israel and neighboring Arab states. Khalidi describes the forced removal of Palestinians from their land and villages as ethnic cleansing (72-75).

According to Khalidi’s chronology, the expulsion of Palestinians began in November 1947, six months before the declaration of Israeli independence in May 1948 and before the invasion of a well-armed Israel by virtually non-existent Arab armies, an invasion that Khalidi dismisses as ill-conceived at best and not necessarily intended to benefit Palestinians. It is a myth that a small and ill-prepared Jewish state defeated seven powerful Arab nations against overwhelming odds to secure its independence. The reality, according to Khalidi, is that Lebanon, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and Yemen did not significantly participate, Egypt and Syria were overmatched, and Transjordan, later Jordan, used the Israeli war for independence as an opportunity to seize control over West Bank territory that was intended as part of an independent Palestinian state (75-77).

Israel’s military victory was aided by a shift in American foreign policy from balanced support for both a Jewish state and newly emerging Arab governments in the region, to near total diplomatic and military support for Israel. While elements of the American foreign policy establishment initially expressed concern that support for Israel would hurt American oil interests in the region, that did not manifest as a problem until the 1970s when the United States began sending Israel massive amounts of military aid. Decisions were often made because of domestic political concerns. President Truman reportedly told a meeting of U.S. diplomats “I am sorry gentlemen, but I have to answer to hundreds of thousands who are anxious for the success of Zionism. I do not have hundreds of thousands of Arabs among my constituents” (79-80).

After independence, Israel treated the remaining Palestinians within its territory as second-class citizens subject to martial law. Dispossessed Palestinians within Israel were prevented from leasing or purchasing land that they had been driven off that was now reserved for Jewish settlement. Palestinians forced into refugee camps in Gaza, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria were completely dependent on the United Nations for relief aid and for maintaining the most basic conditions for survival. They were never integrated into host countries and increasingly they identified as Palestinians with a desire to return to their traditional homes. Military incursions into Israel by Palestinian nationalist groups were met with disproportionate force and collective punishment by Israel which only intensified the desire for an independent Palestinian state (83-88).

One of Khalidi’s more controversial assertions is that justifications given by Israel for the 1967 preemptive strike that destroyed the Egyptian, Syrian, and Jordanian air forces are unfounded. Israel claimed that it faced an impending attack that threatened its existence. Khalidi cites a report by U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara to President Lyndon Johnson and Israeli Foreign Minister Abba Eban stating that no attack was imminent and that if the Arab states actually did attack Israel, they would be easily defeated by a far superior Israeli military. In support of his argument, Khalidi cites Lyndon Johnson’s The Vantage Point: Perspectives of the Presidency (Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971) and a Department of State analysis from 1967 (Foreign Relations, 1964-1968, Volume XIX, Arab-Israeli Crisis and War, 1967). At the meeting, President Johnson added “All of our intelligence people are unanimous” that if Egypt did attack “You will whip hell out of them” (97). According to U.S. documents later published, General Earl Wheeler, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, informed the President “The UAR’s [United Arab Republic, Egypt and Syria] dispositions are defensive and do not look as if they are preparatory for an invasion of Israel” and a C.I.A. memorandum reported “Israel could almost certainly attain air superiority over the Sinai Peninsula in 24 hours after the initiative or in two or three days if the UAR struck first” (276). Despite U.S. intelligence reports and the meeting between Johnson, McNamara, and Eban, the head of the Israeli intelligence agency informed McNamara that Israel planned to go ahead with a preemptive attack and McNamara gave tacit approval (104). These documents undermine the myth that the preemptive Israel strike on its neighbors in 1967 was necessitated by survival.

Khalidi accuses the America media of being complicit with this country’s one-sided approach to repeated Middle Eastern crises and the treatment of Palestinians. He opens Chapter 4 with a quote from a 1982 communication between Thomas Friedman, at the time the New York Times Beirut Bureau Chief, with editors at the newspaper. Friedman accuses them of being “afraid to tell our readers and those who might complain to you that the Israelis are capable of indiscriminately shelling an entire city” (139), a telling complaint given Israel’s current bombing campaigns in the Gaza Strip and Lebanon and Israel’s claims that the bombings are carefully directed at military targets.

Pointedly, United Nations efforts to mediate the conflict between Israel and its neighbors with Security Council Resolution 242 in 1967 made no mention of Palestinians except to call for a resolution of the refugee crisis. Ignoring the existence of the Palestinian people as a party to the conflict contributed to a claim by Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir in an interview published in the Sunday Times of London on June 15, 1969 (106). Khalidi quoted an excerpt from the interview; however, the full statement is worth citing because of its total denial of a Palestinian nationality. According to Meir “There was no such thing as Palestinians. When was there an independent Palestinian people with a Palestinian state? It was either Southern Syria, before the First World War, and then it was a Palestine, including Jordan. It was not as though there was a Palestinian people in Palestine considering itself as a Palestinian people and we came and threw them out and took their country from them. They did not exist.”

Israel’s resounding victory in the 1967 war the exposed military weaknesses of the major Arab nations. Khalidi believes their failure to advance the Palestinian cause spurred a sense of political, literary, and artistic Palestinian nationalism and the emergence of Yassar Arafat, the PLO, and Fatah as dominant forces in Palestinian society. Israel countered this resurgence by continually equating Palestinian with terrorist in efforts to discredit the movement in the United States and on the international stage, although the Fatah and the PLO were never a military threat to Israel (110-119). The 1978 Camp David Accords between Egypt and Israel, Khalidi considers them part of a United States Cold War strategy for pulling Egypt out of the Soviet orbit and effectively dividing the Arab bloc, excluded Palestinians from the negotiations (122). They established as a goal respecting the “legitimate rights of the Palestinian people” and the creation of civilian “autonomy” on the Israeli occupied West Bank, but not statehood, something Khalidi criticized in Brokers of Deceit: How the U.S. Has Undermined Peace in the Middle East (Beacon Press, 2013) as “devoid of meaning and content.” Developments since the 1978 agreement bear out Khalidi’s view as Israel has absorbed East Jerusalem, built West Bank settlements that are illegal under international law, effectively blockaded the Gaza Strip, and it has continually blocked efforts to create an independent Palestinian state, even after the PLO and Fatah endorsed a two-state solution, accepting the legitimacy of a Jewish state (126).

Khalidi provides much greater coverage of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982, than the 1973 Yom Kippur War. In his view it was much more closely linked to the future of Palestine and argues that proponents of a “Greater Israel,” including Ariel Sharon, Menachim Begin, and Yitzhak Shamir, believed the battle to defeat Palestinian forces in Lebanon would destroy the PLO as an effective military force and severely weaken the Palestinian nationalist movement. He quotes former Israeli Chief of Staff Mordechai Gur’s explanation of the war to a Knesset committee that in the “Occupied Territories” it would provide Israel with “greater freedom of action” (142-143). Khalidi also believes that United States Secretary of State Alexander Haig had prior knowledge of the invasion and gave Israel tacit approval.

In an effort to prevent a broader war, the Reagan administration did propose limiting Israeli settlements on the West Bank and the creation of an autonomous Palestinian Authority, but not an independent Palestinian state (151). Despite warnings to Israel, the United States never limited its support for Israeli action in Lebanon, even after the Western press documented Israel’s role in massacres carried out by its local allies at the Sabra and Shatila Palestinian refugee camps (158-162). We see similar warnings by the U.S. today that continued Israeli attacks on civilians in Gaza and Lebanon will lead to reduced U.S. support, but in both cases the United States took no action.

Unanticipated results of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon were the emergence of Hizballah as a new armed opponent of Israel, growing international sympathy for Palestinians, and increased militancy by Palestinians on the West Bank and in Gaza as they realized they could not rely on the either the major powers or Arab nations to mediate conflicts with Israel or to press for creation of the long promised Palestinian state. This new Palestinian awareness led to the spontaneous eruption of the First Intifada in 1987 in Gaza that then spread to the West Bank with street battles between largely unarmed young Palestinian protesters and heavily armed Israeli troops (168-169). The Intifada also exposed a growing rift between the PLO/Fatah leadership in exile and the local Palestinian population directly challenging the Israeli occupation although in 1988, the PLO did issue a Palestinian “Declaration of Independence “(178).

In his discussion of the Madrid Peace Conference in 1991 and Oslo Accords meetings in 1993, Khalidi believes an important concession by Israel was acceptance that the Palestinians were a people and that the PLO were their legitimate representatives. However, the Palestinian delegation at Oslo was a delegation of exiles who had not been in occupied Palestine for decades; they were not well versed on conditions there and were ill-prepared for negotiations. In exchange for receiving limited administrative responsibility for scattered areas across the West Bank and the ability to return from exile, the PLO leadership conceded the continuation of the Israeli occupation. Arafat mistakenly believed that future negotiations based on the Oslo Accords would bring further concessions from Israel, something the Israeli’s were never prepared to do as they drew out the timeframe for reaching new agreements. The United States, solidly in the same camp as Israel, blamed the PLO and Arafat for any delays. U.S. bias and Israeli intransigence torpedoed the accords despite PLO willingness to acquiesce on virtually every front, acquiescence that further alienated the PLO from Palestinian activists on the West Bank and in Gaza (194-199).

Relocated to the West Bank headquarters, the PLO served at consent of the of the Israeli military, and in 2002, during a Second Intifada set off by Palestinian frustration and Israeli provocations, the headquarters of the Palestinian Authority were forcibly closed (199-203). Khalidi views the Second Intifada as a setback for Palestinians because scenes of violence broadcast globally seemed to justify the Israeli intransigence that caused the violence (2019).

Following Oslo, the Israeli occupation completely sealed off the Gaza Strip. Awareness that Oslo agreements would never end the occupation eventually brought Hamas to power in the Gaza and created the conditions that ultimately forced Israel to close its settlements there and withdraw. Meanwhile, the United States in the wake of the attacks on September 11, 2001, stiffened laws against terrorism making an even remote connection to an organization or individual on its terrorist list impossible to maintain, isolating the groups, reinforcing their alienation, and preventing any attempts to modify their goals or actions (221).

Khalidi cites instances where Israeli actions ran counter to U.S. policy goals, especially during the Cold War with the Soviet Union. In these cases, the United States attempted to put a break on aggressive Israeli actions, however American governments were primarily concerned with its relationship with Arab governments and not with Israel’s treatment of Palestinians. Writing before the October 7, 2023 Hamas attack and the Israeli response, Khalidi believed there was a gradual shift taking place in American public opinion recognizing the legitimacy of Palestinian grievances and aspirations. The problem, he saw, was that the political leadership in the country was non-responsive to this shift. The Republican Party was heavily dependent for votes on Evangelical Christian supporters that perceived the State of Israel as signaling the fulfillment of Biblical prophecy and both parties relied on wealthy pro-Israel donors to finance election campaigns. Israel’s success in equating Palestinians with terrorists undermined sympathy for the Palestinian cause after al Qaeda attacked the United States on September 11, 2001 and the Bush administration launched a war on terror that continued into the Obama presidency (228-232).

In his conclusion, Khalidi addresses possibilities for shifting public opinion in the United States to become more favorable to the Palestinian cause. One approach is to identify the Palestinian cause with other liberation movements by colonized indigenous people, specifically South Africa, Ireland, and Native Americans. However, this has been difficult because Zionism claims biblical roots in Palestine and that the ancient Jews are the indigenous population, not Palestinian Arabs. American perceptions of United States history and a positive view of settler colonialism have also made it difficult to change American views about Palestinian statehood (41-242).

A second tactic proposed by Khalidi is challenging the myth that Israel is David hoping for peace but prepared to fight against a powerful Arab Goliath. Khalidi wants to reverse the idea of who is powerful and who is victimized. He also wants to challenge the moral legitimacy of Israel, that it cannot be both Jewish and democratic. The Israeli charter ensures Jewish supremacy which makes it illiberal and discriminatory (243-244).

Khalidi believes that at this point the United States cannot be relied on to broker a fair solution and a massive campaign within the United States is needed to shift public opinion. Palestinians will also need to win support in Europe, Russia, India, China, and Brazil. In Arab countries, Khalidi argues Palestinians must appeal to sympathetic populations rather than unsympathetic regimes (252). It may also be possible to influence Israelis tired of decades of war and the intense fighting and hostage situation in the latest conflict. Palestinians, for their part, need to reject Oslo gradualism, demand an entirely new timetable, and insist on a set of conditions based on the initial United Nations decision to establish two independent states.

Khalidi’s coverage of most of the events in the hundred years’ war on Palestine are comprehensive, however there is almost no discussion of the 1973 Yom Kipper War. I think it is a significant omission because in that war neighboring Arab states did attack Israel in an attempt to regain territory seized by Israel in 1967, and at least at the start, Israel appeared to be vulnerable. For many American Jews and for Israelis the attack on Israel and the successful Israeli counterattack justified their belief that Israel’s survival as a small country was continually threatened by hostile neighbors, could only be ensured through a dominant military supported by U.S. aid, and that the occupation of Gaza Strip, the Golan Heights, and the West Bank were essential for Israel’s defense. I can only conjecture that the 1973 war is of limited importance in Khalidi’s narrative because the United States was already committed to one-sided support for Israel in Middle Eastern conflicts and because it did not significantly change the situation for Palestinians in the occupied territories.

References

Anderson, S.  (2020, January 28). “Is There Any Way to End the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict?” New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/28/books/review/the-hundred-years-war-on-palestine-rashid-khalidi.html. Accessed December 23, 2024.

Hawa, K. (2020, August 10/17). “Present Absences, A century of struggle in Palestine,” The Nation. https://www.thenation.com/article/world/hundred-years-war-on-palestine-rashid-khalidi/. Accessed December 23, 2024.

Hughes, M. (2020, May 7). “The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine by Rashid Khalidi review – conquest and resistance,” The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/books/2020/may/07/the-hundred-years-war-on-palestine-by-rashid-khalidi-review-conquest-and-resistance#  Accessed December 23, 2024.

Marantz, A. 2023, December 2. “Columbia Suspended Pro-Palestine Student Groups. The Faculty Revolted,” The New Yorker. https://www.newyorker.com/news/our-local-correspondents/columbia-suspended-pro-palestine-student-groups-the-faculty-revolted. Accessed December 23, 2024.

Mashiach, I. (2024, November 30). “Palestinian-American Historian Rashid Khalidi: ‘Israel Has Created a Nightmare Scenario for Itself. The Clock Is Ticking,” Haaretz. https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2024-11-30/ty-article-magazine/.highlight/rashid-khalidi-israel-has-created-a-nightmare-scenario-for-itself-the-clock-is-ticking/00000193-7b6a-d1df-a79f-7beab0db0000. Accessed December 23, 2024.

Notes and Commentary 2023, December “Tenured Barbarians, On academic antisemitism,” The New Criterion, v. 42, n. 4. https://newcriterion.com/article/tenured-barbarians/ . Accessed December 23, 2024.

Shezaf, H. (2019, July 5) “Burying the Nakba: How Israel Systematically Hides Evidence of 1948 Expulsion of Arabs,” Haaretz

https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2019-07-05/ty-article-magazine/.premium/how-israel-systematically-hides-evidence-of-1948-expulsion-of-arabs/0000017f-f303-d487-abff-f3ff69de0000.  Accessed December 23, 2024.