The Minoans: The Forgotten Sea Empire

How can I ignite a passion for history in my students? That’s a question I found myself asking when I was teaching at Trenton Central High School while doing my first clinical experience at The College of New Jersey. Naturally, I began with looking back at my high school teachers trying to remember what they did that allowed me to not just passively learn, but to explore my interests as well. The paper that follows this introduction was my capstone paper I wrote while at TCNJ studying history. It covers a people known as the Minoans. These seafaring people of the Bronze Age are not likely to be found in any high school history textbook. However, I decided to write about the Minoans in such length because of a project I did in my English class in high school. (Yes, you read that right, my English class.)

            My English teacher at the time, Ms. Lutz, had allowed the class to do a presentation on a topic of our choosing. As a person who found English to be very boring and history much more interesting this project excited me as I was able to dive deeper into a topic I was interested in. I ended up settling on the Minoans as I had only heard their name once briefly in a video discussing Crete. Ms. Lutz’s English project allowed me to have choice in my learning all while developing my presentation making skills and teaching me how to do proper research. If the goal of your lesson is to develop student research and presentation skills then focus on that. Students will be much more willing to speak in front of the class if they are passionate about the subject. That little bit of research at the high school level might even turn into a capstone paper one day. So why is this important? How does this help me create passion for history in the classroom? Give your students some agency in what they learn. Let them tell you what they find interesting about U.S. or world history and let them explore that interest in your class. This also shows us history does not have to be confined to the history classroom instead other subjects can use history as a backdrop to explore concepts and develop new skills.

During the Bronze Age trade flourished in the Mediterranean. Few people were as well situated to capitalize on this fact then the inhabitants of the Island of Crete. The people of this island during the 3rd to 1st millennia B.C.E.E. are known to modern historians as the “Minoans”. Who were the Minoans and what did they do? The Minoans really excelled at creating high quality products. At first mastering pottery allowed them to create vessels for holding agricultural products like olive oil. When faced with a lack of valuable metals and materials like copper and tin, on the island, they were forced to turn to trade to get rarer resources. This trade centered around providing olive oil and other goods in exchange for these precious resources which could be used in the creation of desirable specialized products. This operation eventually expanded to become an intricate sea trading network that encompassed large portions of the Mediterranean and beyond. Minoan products have even been found as far as the Indus River Valley. However, material goods were not the only thing traded by the Minoans. Culture was readily exchanged as well both willingly and as a side effect of trade. Minoans managed to spread their culture while incorporating elements from foreign cultures that proved beneficial. While much information about the Minoan civilization has been lost to history, the vastness and importance of their trade empire economically and culturally can not be overstated. Many civilizations of this time like the Phoenicians, Sumerians, and the Harappans of the Indus rRiver valley tend to overshadow the Minoans but they should be seen as cultural equals to these complex societies. Their central geographic location, coupled with a need to trade for raw materials as well as fostering skilled artisans enabled the Minoans to become a Bronze Age thalassocracy with influence on many civilizations.

The Bronze Age in Crete is generally considered to have lasted from around the 3rd millennium B.C.E. to the 1st millennium B.C.E.[1] The Minoans received exposure to metallurgy and bronze making from the east. The Island of Crete is the largest in the Aegean Sea and also the furthest south. This geographical position made Crete a natural stop on the many trade routes of the Mediterranean. Crete was perfectly positioned to receive sea trading merchants from all their neighbors. Mainland Greece to the northwest, the Cyclades to the north, Anatolia to the northeast, Egypt to the southeast, Cyprus to the east, and even further east Syria. This places Crete in the middle of some of the most important civilizations of the Bronze Age. The innovations of the Bronze Age first began in the east and it is no wonder how the Minoans gained access to this knowledge. While the Minoans were influenced heavily by the cultures that they came in contact with, the Minoans developed a distinct culture of their own. This is contrary to what historians of the past once believed. Historians used to think that the Minoans were not a distinct culture but instead a more of a imitator of Anatolian, Syrian, and Egyptian customs. This can not be further from the truth; instead the Minoans created a highly advanced culture which spread its influence to the furthest reaches of the known world at the time.[2] 

Even in the 21st century when writing about Minoan cultural spread, archeologists like Cyprian Broodbank and Evangelia Kiriatzi write that the “Minoanization” of surrounding islands and the Mediterranean remain controversial.[3] Cultural spread was not the only highly contentious aspect of the Minoan civilization. An article by Chester G. Starr really exemplifies how some scholars used to feel about the Minoans having large influence in the Mediterranean or even the Aegean. Writing in 1955 Starr confidently writes off the Minoan thalassocracy stating

The Minoan thalassocracy is a myth, and an artificial one to boot. It is amazing that the patent falsity of the basic idea has never been fully analyzed, for neither logically, archaeologically, nor historically can the existence of a Cretan mastery of the seas be proved.[4]

As the history of the Minoans becomes more and more clear through archeological finds Starr’s article appears more and more outdated. While he recognizes the fact that trade between Crete and Syria as well as trade between Crete and Egypt existed, he heavily downplays the Minoan involvement in this trade. Proclaiming instead that Minoans were nothing more than intermediaries between great powers.[5] Starr even writes off Minoan control of the Aegean by saying that they would not be able to field the required number of ships.[6] The idea of Minoan colonies is also completely downplayed as nothing more than a few factories created by Minoans for native populations of those islands to gather and produce products.[7] Early and mid 20th century historians certainly did not see the Minoans to be as capable as they were.

In 1962 an article by Robert J. Buck continues to echo this sentiment. Buck writes “No matter how prosperous Crete may have been, there was simply no place in the Late Bronze Age for a Minoan thalassocracy.”[8] His reasoning is that Crete did not have the industry capable of producing enough goods for a large overseas market.[9] It was not until the 1990s that scholars began to find more evidence that Crete could have held an empire of the sea and the Minoans were their own advanced culture.[10] Today the topic is still debated and the true scale of the Minoans’ influence is not completely clear. Evidence gathered in this paper however points to the existence of a heavily influential Minoan thalassocracy.

Trade was what built this Empire and was the primary way that Minoans spread their culture. The geographic location of Crete was not the only factor that led to the Minoans creating a trade empire. The Minoans had access to plentiful land to produce agricultural products in large quantities. Grapes, olives, pears, etc. were vital to the Minoan economy and way of life. Grapes were used to produce wine and tablets found at Knossos, the Minoan capital, reference 420 grape vines in the area and tablet “GM 840” records over 14,000 liters of wine that were brought to Knossos as a product of the last harvest.[11] Olives were also fundamental to the people of Crete and the Mediterranean and were always in high demand. Olives and olive oil took a long time to spoil, were used in cooking, washing oneself, burned in lamps, and were used as body oil. Olives were enjoyed both in their pressed oil form and regularly eaten without being pressed. These many different uses for olives made it a major crop of the Minoan economy. More tablets found at Knossos document 9,000 liters of olives being produced in just the Dawos area of the Messara plain of Crete.[12] Pears were also grown and might have even been native to Crete with Minoan trade being the reason the fruit spread throughout the Mediterranean.[13] While having an abundance of agricultural products is certainly good, the Island of Crete was lacking valuable metals that were the building blocks for societies of the Bronze age. Metals like copper, tin and gold were not found readily enough to support the demand on the island and this forced the Minoans to turn to their neighbors to acquire these metals.

Copper and tin were combined to create the alloy of bronze, a vital resource of the time. The island of Cyprus to the east was a large supplier of copper to the Mediterranean and made a perfect trade partner for the Minoans. Copper ingots from Cyprus were found at the Minoan palace-temple of Zakro confirming trade between the two islands.[14] It seems connections between Cyprus and Crete date back to the early and mid-Bronze Age.[15] Minoan pottery has been found on Cyprus in important places like palaces and ingots of various metals traded to the Minoans by the Cypriots have been found on Crete.[16] Some Cypriot pottery had even been found in the port of Kommos on Crete. All of these connections show a healthy trade relationship between the two islands. It is also clear that the Minoan and Cretans developed some kind of rapport as the Cypro-Minoan script begins to appear on traded items. The Cypro-Minoan script was a shared syllabary that the two islands utilized in trade with one another.[17] While the script remains undeciphered it allows archeologists to tell when items have come from Cyprus. Lead, copper, and tin ingots have been found bearing Cypro-Minoan markings with Cypriot lead mines being identified as far as Sardinia.[18] These are the kinds of metals that Minoans would have been in heavy need of and thus this close relationship between Cyprus and the Minoans makes sense. The Minoans would have used these metals to manufacture all kinds of various products. Cypriots were getting their lead from mines in Sardinia to trade that lead to the Minoans who then used lead to create objects that were sold overseas to places in Anatolia and Egypt. This is a perfect example of how interconnected Mediterranean civilizations were in the Bronze age and is not dissimilar to trade in the modern day.

Evidence of overseas trade is easy to spot all around Crete. For example, in the city of Myrtos imported metal objects, stone vessels, and obsidian have been found. Within the city, pottery and textiles were produced which could have been exported in exchange for these goods. Myrtos, like many Minoan cities, was located near the coast and many of these cities had their own ports and had more access to the outside world than might be expected.[19] Minoans most likely constructed their cities with trade as a central tenant. This is evident by the distribution of settlements around the island. The west side of Crete is almost completely barren of settlements while the north, south, and east have plenty of large cities. When looking at this from a trade point of view it makes sense as Minoans would have been primarily trading with the Cycledies to their north, Anatolia, Cyprus, and Syria to the east, and Egypt to the south. While Minoan pottery has been found west, in places like Malta for example, Minoans seemed to be more focussed on conducting their business in the eastern Mediterranean. Ports and harbors did not only exist in large cities. Evidence of Minoan ports have been found in many coastal regions of Crete and on nearby islands like Dia and Thera.[20] Having ports scattered throughout the sea allowed Minoan sailors to have many points where they could stop and rest. It is also crucial for long range seafaring as these journeys could be very dangerous and various weather conditions could spell disaster for ships and their crew. Having ports along the way to their destination allowed ships to take stops and wait for more favorable weather and wind conditions if needed.

            Minoans traded in many different kinds of products and were not limited to their agricultural surplus of olives and wine. In fact, skilled artisans were highly valued in Minoan society and were some of the most adept in the Mediterranean. Vathypetro, a Minoan building in the Cretan countryside, gives historians a glimpse into the industries Minoans engaged in. The building is dated to 1580 B.C.E. and had a wine press, clay loom weights for weaving, an oil press, 16 storage jars, multiple potters wheels, and a farm on the property.[21] Rodney Castleden, author of Minoans:Life in Bronze Age Crete suggests that it could have been a summer residence for the king, wealthy landowner or just as likely a communal industrial and agricultural center where Minoan artisans and farmers in the area could work. It is clear that Minoan goods were highly valued as they have been found all over the Mediterranean and beyond. Other cultures also show clear inspiration taken from Minoan frescoes and pottery showing the scale of Minoan influence. The largest potency of this influence is seen in Minoan colonies and close neighbors like the Mycenaeans. However, very proud and ancient civilizations like Egypt have shown to have respected the Minoans to a certain degree and had interest in their art and products.

            At some point Minoans began to make changes to their social structure to prioritize artisans and the manufacturer of luxury goods. This can be seen in the Minoan palace-temples. In Minoan society towns littered the countryside but in large cities there were often massive palace-temples where the elite and priests would live and in the case of Knossos a king or some kind of central authority. The main temples were located in Knossos, Kydonia, Phaistos, Zakro, and Mallia.[22]

Archaeologists have been able to discover that at some point before 1700 B.C.E. Minoan craftsmen and artisans concentrated within these temples. It seems that artisans were gathered to collectively work as full time specialists paid by the state. This proximity to other skilled specialists allowed them to share ideas and learn from each other creating ambitious works for domestic use and for transportation overseas.[23] At Phaistos within the store rooms some pithoi made by these craftsmen survived to this day.[24] Castleden describes the work made by these specialists as reaching “levels of technical skill and artistry so high that some of their works rank among the finest ever produced in Europe.”[25] It is no wonder why Minoan products were sought out all through the Mediterranean and beyond. By focusing their talents together and producing artwork that surpassed anything that their competitors were producing they found a lucrative market in luxury goods.

            With the palace-temples being the concentrated point for artisans they also became trade hubs as a consequence of both having the skilled workforce needed to use these raw materials and being the center of bureaucracy in the region. Imported materials found include silver, tin, copper, ivory, gold, lapis lazuli, ostrich eggs and plumes, exotic stones, and more.[26] These materials were then worked on by specialists at the temples where the finished products were sold both to local markets and taken by seafaring traders to foreign markets. Having the temples act as the center of industry, trade, faith, and bureaucracy as well as having five of these temples spread around the island created an efficient and administratively run government. Some early theories about the Minoan government suggested that these temples were seats of different city-states like those of mainland Greece. However, consensus now is that each temple had a local bureaucracy that controlled a portion of the island, but in the end they were all subservient to the main seat of power in Knossos. Keeping a well run and organized government is vital for sustaining a far-reaching trade empire with connections around the world and it appears the Minoans recognized this. It is very possible that Minoans understood how to organize themselves into a more centralized state by looking at the Egyptians.

            As the Minoans were looking towards the Egyptians for inspiration other less developed peoples were looking at the Minoans as an example of a developed culture. By looking at the ruins of a palace at the ancient site of Tel Kabri, located in modern day Israel, archeologists have noticed shocking similarities between this palace and Minoan palaces. For example, Minoan style fresco fragments have been found that seem to be mimicking the Minoan style. The palatial layout and construction of the palace also seems to coincide with the Minoans expanding their palaces.[27] It should not be so surprising that foreign merchants most likely visited Knossos or other palaces on Crete and were amazed at what they saw there. When they returned home the nobility of places like Tel Kabri wanted to emulate the great Minoan culture to give some kind of additional legitimacy to their own rule. This is an example of the Minoans having great influence on outside cultures without doing much to influence these people.

Additionally, by analyzing animal bones found at the site archaeologists could determine that the people at Tel Kabri started using meat cleavers to cut bone and extract marrow. This had occurred just slightly after the same development happened within Minoan society.[28] Again this showcases how trade partners of the Minoans benefited from not only the exchange of goods but also the exchange of ideas coming from Crete.

Egypt was one of the many civilizations that benefited from trade with the Minoans. This is evidenced by the many Minoan products found in Egypt. Most commonly found is Minoan pottery. Pottery from Crete has been found all over Egypt. In her article “The Perceived Value of Minoan and Minoanizing Pottery in Egypt” Caitlín E. Barrett discusses why Egyptians desired Minoan pottery and who in Egypt was buying it. Through her findings she concludes that people of nearly all strata had access to Minoan pottery and other Minoan products like cups for example.[29] Cretan pottery has been found in Egyptian homes and even graves indicating that it was used either practically or as display pieces. Essentially showcasing that they have exotic pottery from a distant land.[30] Its presence in Egyptian graves is also a strong indicator that Minoan pottery was quite well revered in some respects and that some Egyptians wanted to take it with them even in the afterlife. Minoans only imported a very small number of manufactured goods as they produced most, if not all, of these goods domestically. Of the manufactured goods imported to Crete almost all that have been found were Egyptian.[31] This really demonstrates the longstanding connection between these two cultures and the admiration they held for one another.

It can be deduced that Minoans had been visiting Egypt for many years, evidenced by the style of clothing the Egyptians portrayed Cretans wearing in their paintings. As Minoan clothing trends changed, as can be seen in Minoan artwork of themselves on Crete, these same changes are depicted in Egyptian iconography featuring Minoans. The Rekhmire paintings, located in the tomb of Rekhmire in the Egyptian city of Thebes, depict Minoan envoys wearing patterned kilts without cod pieces and a hemline sloping down towards the front.[32] Through cleaning an original coat of paint was revealed showing an older style of Minoan dress, kilts with codpieces and an upwards sloping hemline. This indicates that the Egyptians made clear efforts to update their portrayal of Minoans through the centuries. Wall paintings in the Tomb of Senmut also have Minoans depicted with the older style of outfit dating to the 1500s B.C.E.[33] At the same time on Crete in Minoan frescoes monkeys are painted blue which is a common feature of Egyptian portrayals of monkeys. A study published by the Cambridge University Press even suggests that the Minoans were the first Europeans to have contact with non-human primates.[34] The frescoes also often feature depictions of papyrus which was not grown in Crete but rather procured from Egypt. The presence of papyrus in these frescoes may also indicate Minoans trying to replicate features commonly seen in Egyptian art. These two features of Minoan frescoes can point to the Minoans certainly being influenced by Egyptian art. When added to the Egyptian portrayals of Minoans, a picture of two cultures with respect for each other and who came into contact with each other often starts to emerge.

Another piece of evidence that lets historians know that Egyptian and Minoan cultures came into frequent contact are inscriptions written by Egyptians discussing Minoans. One such inscription can be found once again in the Tomb of Rekhmire. Rekhmire was an Egyptian vizier, who was visited by the Minoans around 1470-1450 B.C.E.[35] and the inscription under a painting of the Minoan envoys reads “Princes of the Land of Keftiu (Crete) and of the isles which are in the midst of the sea.”[36] The isles mentioned most likely refer to the other islands of the Aegean. The mention of “the isles” in this inscription is good evidence that the Minoans had established colonies, trade posts, and had built an empire in the Aegean by the 15th century B.C.E. Another inscription at the base of a statue in the funeral temple of Amenhotep III lists nine place names. Four were located in Pylos, a Mycenaen kingdom and four were cities on Crete: Knossos, Amnisos, Lyktos, and Dikte.[37] The final place name was the island of Kythera which was a Minoan colony.[38] The purpose of this inscription is not entirely known but it is possible it relates to trusted trade partners or cities in which trade deals were made within Amenhotp’s lifetime.

Cultural exchanges between the Minoans and Egyptians were not entirely one sided. Some evidence from a discovery in 1991 suggests that Minoans had substantially more influence over Egyptian culture than previously thought. In Tell el-Dab’a a Minoan style fresco was uncovered depicting a bull leaping, among other things. The bull is a common trope in Minoan art work and often associated with Crete even in the present day. In an article by Sara Cole she looks into the techniques used to determine if this fresco was Minoan or Egyptian in origin. Looking at the fresco a lime plaster was used which corresponds with frescoes found in Knossos and Akrotiri, Minoan cities. In contrast Egyptian wall paintings utilized a gypsum plaster.[39]

Another indicator that this fresco is Minoan in origin are the proportions. Egyptians utilized a grid to create proportions unique to Egyptian art; they also had particular proportions for human beings. There is no evidence of these proportions or grid being followed in the Tell el-Dab’a fresco.[40]

Furthermore, there is evidence that a string was used on the wet plaster to create borders which is an explicitly Minoan technique.[41] From these observations it is clear that the fresco was created using Minoan techniques and imagery. The question that arises becomes, is this merely an imitation of Minoan art or were Minoans hired to create this fresco for Egyptians? Cole argues the latter by looking at the pigments utilized in the fresco. All the pigments utilized are common in Minoan frescoes found in Knossos and elsewhere. By looking specifically at the Egyptian blue and the elements that comprise the pigment evidence for the fresco being a commissioned work come to light. The type of Egyptian blue used in this fresco contains a copper-tin alloy which had been used for centuries by Minoans and can be found in frescos on the island of Thera and in Knossos on Crete itself. This composition for Egyptian blue is not typically used by Egyptians and instead indicates that the painters most likely brought it with them from Crete.[42] It is clear that skilled Minoan artisans were valued enough to be hired even by the great powers of the time and that these painters were specifically sought out. While historians used to believe that Minoans merely imitated the cultures around them, this fresco proves that Minoan culture was valued by others and even the Egyptians looked at Minoan art as desirable.

Another specialized art form that Minoans became masterful at was faience. Faience is glazed pottery usually decorated with paintings. Between 1700-1400 B.C.E. Minoan faience had been perfected and the Minoans were able to create polychrome faience pieces with many different inlaid colors.[43] M.S. Tite et al. in The Journal of Archaeological Science look through electron microscopes to determine the colors of the weathered faience samples that have been recovered from Crete. As a consequence of severe weathering the Minoan faience recovered is often gray, white, and brown with most of the color washed away. However, through the use of electron microscopy “bright turquoise blue, purple and violet, and pale yellow-green and greenish turquoise”[44] have all been determined to have originally been visible on these pieces. Rodney Castleden looked at the faience industry as proof of collaboration between the different artisans within the temples. He comes to this conclusion by stating that faience is a craft that utilizes the “shared experience of many different crafts [which] implies collaboration.”[45] Potters and the pot painters or even the designers of the particular faience imagery could all be different specialists who came together to create faience works of very high quality. These works could then be exported and traded for a much greater value than the material used in its construction.

Minoan stone working was also highly desired around the Mediterranean. The Minoans used stone to make vases, buckets, jars, bowls, and lamps with incredible skill. They utilized highly creative designs for example, pot lids with the handles sculpted to resemble reclining dogs.[46] They used various and sometimes exotic stones from around the Mediterranean to create colorful masterpieces. Rosso antico from the Greek mainland, white-speckled obsidian from the island of Yiali, alabaster from Egypt, gypsum, limestone, serpentine, porphyry, black obsidian from Cappadocia, basalt from the Peloponnese, and more were all used.[47] Minoans even coated some of these stoneworks in gold leaf and their stoneworkers were extremely desired by other cultures.[48] The Minoan economy depended on workers like these to make highly desirable products for foreign and domestic trade. Gathering these stones from over the Mediterranean and creating beautiful stoneworks was only possible with the centralization of artisans within the palace-temples and a vast trade network. Taking Crete’s rather meager raw resources and utilizing them to trade for specialized materials like obsidian or serpentine to create high quality in demand masterworks was the formula which the Minoan government used to become extremely wealthy and renowned.

This wealth is evident even today when traversing the ancient ruins of the Minoan temple-palaces. Large frescos and decadent architecture can be seen as well as the monumental scale of the palace. The palace would have been multiple stories high and the upper floors would have held the more extravagant rooms like dining and banquet halls. The lower floors on the other hand were relegated to housing the workshops and storerooms.[49] There were guest and service stairways as well as kitchens and pantries where food would be prepared for guests.[50] The rooms would have also been beautifully decorated with painted walls, columns, and frescos. The Minoan nobility clearly wanted to show off their wealth when designing these palaces. The layouts of the palace themselves would also often be intricate and creative with none of the Minoan palaces being the same. It is no wonder that the story of Daedalus, an extremely skilled architect, takes place on the Island of Crete. It seems that Minoan architecture over time became somewhat legendary and constructions like the labyrinth of Knossos sparked myths to grow when the Greeks conquered the island. Another interesting aspect of the Minoan palaces are that they embody both function and form. They are extremely grandiose but still hold the storerooms for the goods waiting to be exported and also the artisans’ workshops. The palaces were not just residencies for nobility but also quite literally the economic heart of the island.

Artifacts made in these workshops, like a collection of 153 silver cups and one gold cup, have been found in the ancient Egyptian town of Tôd. The Egyptian deposit in which they were found has been dated to the 1920s B.C.E. and all the cups appear to have been made by Minoans made in a style used on the island from 2000-1900 B.C.E.[51] The cups were apparently offered to the Egyptians as tribute from a Syrian king. This shows that Minoan products were found in many places and were valued enough to be accepted as tribute. Gold itself was imported to Crete from Egyptian gold mines in the Sinai, the Arabian desert, and Anatolia. Skilled Minoan craftsmen worked this gold into cups, jewelry, sword hilts, statues, and more. They then took these products and sold them overseas at a large profit. Gold cups made by Minoan craftsmen were found at a burial in Vaphio on the Peloponnese as well.[52] Examples of Minoan products made of precious metals are rare especially on Crete itself as many would have been stolen and sold or melted down at some point. That makes any examples of Minoan products like these extremely useful to know the level of expertise Minoans had when working with silver and gold.

Another valuable resource imported by the Minoans was ivory. Ivory carving was done on Crete and might have been taught to the Minoans by the Syrians whose carvings share a lot in common with Minoan examples. An example of a Minoan ivory relief carving was found in an unlooted Mycenaean tomb. The carving was probably a decoration attached to wood furniture.[53] It features a scene of marine motifs such as argonauts, seashells, seaweed and rockwork.[54] Marine motifs seem to be very common across all mediums of later Minoan art. As the Minoans used the sea as their lifeblood this makes sense. Maybe the most common way Minoans used ivory though was in the creation of sealstones. Sealstones could be made of a couple different materials like stone, ivory, or bronze, but they served an important purpose in society. Sealstones were essentially the equivalent of today’s signature for the Minoans. Every person of importance or business man would have their own unique seal.[55] Many different designs have been found on Minoan sealstones, but they often featured animals like bulls, lions, birds, or marine life.[56] They also sometimes featured common patterns at the time like the swastika.[57] For a highly mercantile society sealstones were even more pertinent. Merchants could stamp pottery with their seal so you would know who the product was from; it was essentially a Bronze Age business logo.

As other specialized crafts developed, simple pottery did as well. Castleden calls Minoan pottery “the finest… in the civilized world.”[58] Minoan pottery featured elegant designs and would often be painted with intricate patterns and swirling shapes. Kamares are just one type of Minoan pottery and features a dark background with light colored designs overtop.[59] A Minoan pithos found in Phrygia showcases an optical illusion of six conjoined heads. The viewer is only able to see around two heads at a time as the concentric lines only appear to form heads when they are in your direct eyeline.[60] This kind of design where there are images hidden in minimalist patterns is not uncommon for Minoan pottery. A jug depicting birds made out of spirals and other flowing shapes shows how Minoan painters loved to play with perception by using highly creative and arctic designs.[61] Another common feature of Minoan pottery is the marine motif. Minoans loved showing marine life, especially animals like octopi and fish. The sprawling arms of an octopus provided great ways to fill up space on the pottery.[62] The marine motifs also fit with the seafaring nature of Minoan society and Minoans would have had plenty of experience with these animals to render them correctly.

Minoan trade did not end at Mediterranean civilizations. Instead, a new study suggests that Minoans had direct trade routes with the Indus River Valley civilization. Located in areas of modern-day Pakistan, Afghanistan, and India it is clear that Minoans had quite the trading capability to be able to do business so far away. Minoans were not simple intermediaries in these trade deals, instead they were a main trade partner. This was unearthed by looking at weight measurements of each society and comparing them. Merchants trading with other civilizations would bring their weights and balance scales with them and allow these weights to be copied by the other party creating a uniform weight system between the two.[63] This practice probably started in Mesopotamia and spread from there.

Every time the weights were copied however it seems that they began to deviate from the original slightly. This made the weights a bit too heavy or too light and each time they were copied they would veer further from the original, like a game of telephone. Using this, archeologists could see which civilizations had identical weights to tell if there was a direct trade route between the two. The Minoans had four different measurements of identical weights with the Indus River Valley civilization. Some of these weights were recovered on Crete itself and some were from Minoan colonies. This shows that the Minoan colonies did actively participate in a lot of trade and that the colonies and Crete itself worked together.

The highest concentration of weights came from the city of Akrotiri on the island of Thera, modern day Santorini. Thera was a prominent Minoan colony and an important trade hub.[64] The route proposed by the authors of the study would be from a city named Shortugai, in modern-day Afghanistan, through Iran, and up to the city of Trebizond on Anatolia’s Black Sea coast.[65] There Minoan merchants would be waiting and goods would be exchanged. This is quite different to the previously held view of the scope of Minoan trade. It was previously thought that trade from India to Crete would have only been done with Mesopotamian peoples acting as middlemen.[66] Instead direct trade between India and Crete puts into perspective the scale of Minoan trade influence and connections. Knowing this, other proposed theories like Crete receiving its tin from Britain become more probable. No concrete evidence has been found of this though and the source of tin for the Minoans is still unidentified.

            To sustain such a vast trade empire the Minoans needed a capable fleet of ships to transport their goods as well as a naval fleet to protect these goods from pirates. Thucydides actually credits the Minoans with creating the first ever naval fleet, writing

The earliest ruler known to have possessed a fleet was Minos. He made himself master of the Greek waters and subjugated the Cyclades by expelling the Carians and establishing his sons in control of the new settlements founded in their place; and naturally, for the safer conveyance of his revenues, he did all he could to suppress piracy.[67]

The veracity of this claim is hard to prove and it should be noted that Thucydides was writing roughly 1000 years after the Minoans were conquered by the Mycenaeans. Despite this, it does give a good idea of how Greeks thought of the Minoans even long after they were gone. From the quote some general truths can be garnered, the Minoans controlled the Cyclades and had a strong fleet to suppress piracy which gives credence to the Minoans being a thalassocracy. Island Empires always prioritize constructing a large naval force to protect their home island and overseas colonies. The early 20th century Japanese and the British Empire are good examples of this. In this regard the Minoans were no different. The exact scale of the Minoan navy is the real mystery that can only be solved if more archeological evidence comes to light.

Even though archeologists do not have many examples of Minoan ships outside of paintings, a very small number of confirmed Minoan shipwrecks have been found. The first of which was discovered by Greek archeologist Elpida Hadjidaki in 2004. The wreck was found on the seafloor off the coast of the island of Pseira.[68] The fact that this was only discovered so recently really shows how Minoan history is very much still being written. In 1976 Jacques Cousteau discovered some Minoan pottery in the shallows of the island to add to that Pseira was also known as a Bronze Age sea port.[69] Even though this seems like a prime location for a Minoan shipwreck to be located, the deeper waters surrounding the island were never explored until Hadjidaki’s team did a dive there. On the seafloor 209 ceramic amphoras were discovered, 80 of which were completely or nearly completely intact.[70] The layout of how they were discovered also provides significant information about what the original dimensions of the ship were. Hadjidaki estimates the ship to be 32 to 50 feet long.[71] This is consistent with iconography from Minoan frescoes of what a smaller Minoan ship should look like. Hadjidaki also suggested that this ship is most likely a local ship that did not do long distance journeys to procure overseas goods.[72] It makes sense the Minoans would have many classes of ships some larger for longer expeditions and others smaller to acquire local goods. Yet, the sheer amount of amphoras found on one singular ship gives an idea on how impressive the scale of Minoan trade was. The fact that this was a small local ship must be emphasized as their large ships could have carried possibly thousands of amphora most likely carrying olive oil and wine.

Many depictions of Minoan ships can be found on sealstones on Crete. Many of these vessels have only a single mast. Arthur Evans in his article The Early Nilotic, Libyan and Egyptian Relations with Minoan Crete suggests that a small Minoan ship with a crew of less than 12 could have traveled to Benghazi in Libya or Alexandria in Egypt easily.[73] He even claims that it is very possible that because of the favorable winds, current, and extensive Cretan forests providing good quality wood, the Minoans might have been the first people to traverse the open Mediterranean.[74] This would align with the claim made by Thucydides and gives even more of an explanation on why the Minoans became a thalassocracy. The extreme deforestation of the Island of Crete can be explained by Minoans using the island’s once extensive forests to build ships.

            These ships must have been stopping at Minoan colonies along their voyages and the name of the Minoans themselves may lend a hand in finding out the extent of these colonies in the Mediterranean. Many bronze age port cities throughout the Mediterranean bear the name “Minoa”. These cities reach as far west as Sicily and are scattered throughout the Aegean and eastern Mediterranean. Minoans got their name in the early 20th century being named by historians after the legendary King Minos from Greek stories. Although this is the case, Castleden argues that it is very possible that Minos was the title of the Minoan king and the colonies were named after him.[75] It could make sense as an etymological remnant of Minoan rule. The location of these cities being coastal, having distinctly Minoan street plans, Minoan style of architecture, Minoan burial customs, and pottery shops in the Minoan style, all point towards these “Minoa” as being Minoan colonies.[76]

To clarify, not all Minoan colonies held the name Minoa. Instead, there is a significant list of other settlements that share all the characteristics of Minoan colonies. Kastri on the island of Kythera is theorized to have been the first Minoan colony with Minoan settlement dating back to before 2000 B.C.E.[77] Kastri was first excavated in the early 1960s and was determined to be a Minoan colony from the heavy presence of Minoan pottery and evidence of Cretan cultural practices. Another thing to note is the presence of what seems to be pottery belonging to a native population of the island.[78] By dating the pottery and looking at expansion of the settlement it can be seen that this native pottery style was slowly overtaken and eventually completely replaced by Minoan styles as the centuries went by.[79] This probably indicates either the expulsion of the native people of Kythera or their assimilation into Minoan society. The original excavation in the 1960s only uncovered a small amount of the total island while more recent excavations have been able to unearth much more land area.

Through these newer excavations Minoan presence on the island seems to have extended beyond just Kastri.[80] Though the question of whether the native population was pushed out or integrated into Minoan society has not been fully answered it does allow for some insight into Minoan colonial practices. It is clear that Minoans were not adverse to settling in areas where native populations were already residing. The Minoans likely colonized Kythera in order to have a rest stop for ships and to monopolize on trading routes coming through the west of the Aegean. Another reason for their settlement would surely be to extract any and all material resources that the island had.[81] It also leaves the possibility that Minoans incorporated other cultures into their own and at the apex of their expansion they had multiple ethnic peoples in their domain.

While Kastri might have been the first Minoan colony, perhaps the most discussed and important to understanding Minoan colonies is Akrotiri on Thera. Essentially the Minoan equivalent of Pompeii, a volcanic eruption buried the city in ash in the 16th century B.C.E.[82] This left the city relatively well preserved. Three large vessels found at Akrotiri contained wine and olive oil residues.[83] The storeroom they were found in also featured large windows and archeologists think that this could have been used as a storefront.[84] It makes sense that Akrotiri had such stores as it would have been a pivotal stop for ships travelling through the eastern Mediterranean and even for ships going to and from the Black Sea. The Minoan civilization’s emphasis on trade is particularly noticeable when looking at their colonies. Their colonies always tend to be on the coast and in places that are on busy trade routes. They also tend to colonize places where it would be to rest on long voyages or to wait for favorable winds for their ships.

            As seen with Kastri, Akrotiri was not an uninhabited island when Minoans arrived. Likewise with Kastri, local pottery styles seemed to become more Minoanized over time.[85] It seems Minoan colonies did not always rely on many colonists travelling from Crete to settle in these far away cities. Instead what probably occurred was artisans were sent from the palace-temples to teach the Cretan way of producing pottery, making frescos, etc.[86] In exchange some kind of agreement would be reached to bring the cities closer to the Minoans politically. Over time the city becomes “culturally colonized” without the need for conquest or resettlement of native peoples.[87] Evidence from Akrotiri gives more credence to the theory that the people of Kastri were assimilated into Minoan society without being expelled to an unknown location or killed. Evidence like Theran cultural and artistic expression still being present in their pottery and frescos combined with strong Minoan influences.[88] It seems that as long as you were capable of providing the Minoans with artisan goods and were located in a coastal area along trade routes they were eager to integrate you into the broader Minoan trade empire.

            Minoans established colonies not just on islands but colonies like the one at Miletus in modern day Turkey show that they would establish colonies on the continent as well. Ninety-five percent of the pottery found at Miletus has been made in the Minoan style or was imported from Crete.[89] On top of that, seven inscriptions in Minoan Linear A script have been uncovered. Miletus is not one of a kind and Minoan frescoes and pottery have been found at Iasos, Turkey and Qatna, Syria which could also be potential Minoan colonies.[90] Iasos is the more likely location of a Minoan colony compared to Qatna as it is on the Aegean and Minoan colonies seem to always be close by to water. These colonies likely were used to produce grain and mine for copper as well as other metals that the Minoans lacked on Crete. As the Minoans had a mostly export based economy they would have been trying to cut down on importing food and copper as much as possible.

            Castleden provides his reasoning for why colonies were established which again goes back to a lack of resources simply saying they were established as a response to a surge in population on Crete that necessitated having to look overseas for new supplies of grain and other food sources.[91] It seems that local populations integrated with the Minoan culture eventually but the question of how Minoan colonies were initially founded is still a mystery. It is possible that the Minoans were able to peacefully establish colonies. Minoan art and culture was much more advanced than their close neighbors and it can be theorized that gaining access to some of this Cretan knowledge could have convinced local peoples to allow Minoan settlements on their islands.[92] Despite this possibility it is a bit optimistic and it should be remembered that during this time period violence was often used and it would not be out of place for the Minoans to utilize it as well. Regardless of how the colonies were formed, the Minoan culture was spread and colonies were established using Minoan cities as reference.

Through this the Minoan Empire only further expanded their trade dominance and influence on Mediterranean culture.Minoan influence in the Mediterranean has been greatly diminished by historians for decades. It is now clear that Minoans turned to trade due to lack of natural resources. By concentrating their artisans together and creating specialized government run workshops Minoans were able to use raw materials to create elaborate products that were works of art. These products created a high demand for Minoan goods which allowed the Minoans to become very wealthy building large palaces and establishing colonies all over the Mediterranean. They also dealt not just in material goods but cultural goods as well. As with all trade this was not a one-way exchange. The Minoans took inspiration from the best and oldest cultures at the time, like the Egyptians, while spreading their own culture simultaneously. Where they established colonies they also spread their culture and it is possible many different peoples considered themselves Minoan by the time the empire fell. Minoan ships were able to carry hundreds or even thousands of amphora long distances and Crete alone produced tens of thousands of litres of olive oil and wine a harvest. The quality and quantity of Minoan industry was clearly an accomplishment to marvel at. By the way their contemporaries and the Greeks wrote about them, it becomes clear that the Minoans carried some level of respect and influence that should grant them more than a footnote in our history books. It is clear the Minoans controlled an impressive Bronze Age thalassocracy that spread its products just as far as its culture and left an indelible mark on Mediterranean civilization.

Barrett, Caitlín E. “The Perceived Value of Minoan and Minoanizing Pottery in Egypt.” Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 22, no. 2 (2010): 211–34. https://doi.org/10.1558/jmea.v22i2.211.

Bonn-Muller, Eti. “First Minoan Shipwreck. Archaeology.” Vol. 63. Boston: Archaeological Institute of America, 2010.

Broodbank, Cyprian, and Evangelia Kiriatzi. “The First ‘Minoans’ of Kythera Revisited: Technology, Demography, and Landscape in the Prepalatial Aegean.” American Journal of Archaeology 111, no. 2 (2007): 241–74. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40037274.

Buck, Robert J. “The Minoan Thalassocracy Re-Examined.” Historia : Zeitschrift Für Alte Geschichte 11, no. 2 (1962): 129–37. https://www.jstor.org/stable/4434736.

Castleden, Rodney. Minoans : Life in Bronze Age Crete. London ; Routledge, 1993.

Cole, Sara “The Wall Paintings of Tell el-Dab’a: Potential Aegean Connections,” Pursuit – The Journal of Undergraduate Research at The University of Tennessee: Vol. 1 : Iss. 1 , Article 10 (2010): https://trace.tennessee.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1006&context=pursuit  

Demakopoulou, K, and S Aulsebrook. “The Gold and Silver Vessels and Other Precious Finds from the Tholos Tomb at Kokla in the Argolid.” Annual of the British School at Athens 113 (2018): 119–42. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068245418000084.

Evans, Arthur. “The Early Nilotic, Libyan and Egyptian Relations with Minoan Crete.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 55 (1925): 199–228. https://doi.org/10.2307/2843640.

Graham, J W. “Further Notes on Minoan Palace Architecture: I. West Magazines and Upper Halls at Knossos and Mallia; 2. Access to, and Use of, Minoan Palace Roofs.” American Journal of Archaeology 83 (1979): 49–69.

Keys, David. “Colonizing Cretans.” Archaeology. Vol. 57. Boston: Archaeological Institute of America, 2004.

Knappett, Carl, and Irene Nikolakopoulou. “Colonialism without Colonies? A Bronze Age Case Study from Akrotiri, Thera.” Hesperia 77, no. 1 (2008): 1–42. https://doi.org/10.2972/hesp.77.1.1.

Marom, Nimrod, Assaf Yasur-Landau, and Eric H Cline. “The Silent Coast: Zooarchaeological Evidence to the Development Trajectory of a Second Millennium Palace at Tel Kabri.” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 39 (2015): 181–92. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2015.04.002.

Reich, John J. “Twelve New Bronze and Iron Age Seals.” The Journal of Hellenic Studies 86 (1966): 159–65. https://doi.org/10.2307/629000.

Revesz, Peter Zsolt and Bipin C Desai. “Data Science Applied to Discover Ancient Minoan-Indus Valley Trade Routes Implied by Common Weight Measures.” In Proceedings of the 26th International Database Engineered Applications Symposium, 150–55. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2022. https://doi.org/10.1145/3548785.3548804.

Starr, Chester G. “The Myth of the Minoan Thalassocracy.” Historia : Zeitschrift Für Alte Geschichte 3, no. 3 (1955): 282–91. https://www.jstor.org/stable/4434736.

Thera Excavation Storerooms (Greek repository, Akrotiri, contemporary). Three Vessels in the Storage Room of Sector A. at the Akrotiri Excavation Site. 1613. Masonry; construction (discipline); archaeology; experimental archaeology; classical archaeology; urban archaeology; ceramics (objects). Akrotiri Archaeological Site. https://jstor.org/stable/community.31068453

 Three Handled Amphora: Marine Style Octopus. c.1500-1400 B.C.E. https://jstor.org/stable/community.13555696

Tite, M.S, Y Maniatis, D Kavoussanaki, M Panagiotaki, A.J Shortland, and S.F Kirk. “Colour in Minoan Faience.” Journal of Archaeological Science 36, no. 2 (2009): 370–378. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2008.09.031.

Urbani, Bernardo, and Dionisios Youlatos. “A New Look at the Minoan ‘Blue’ Monkeys.” Antiquity 94, no. 374 (2020): e9. https://doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2020.29.

Vessel (Jug; Ht. 27cm.). ca. 1800 B.C.E. Terra cotta. Heraklion: Mus., Archaeological.; Found at Pazarli. https://jstor.org/stable/community.11656751

Vessel (Pithos; Ht. 45cm.). ca. 1800 B.C.E. Terra cotta. Heraklion: Mus., Archaeological.; From Dascylion, ancient capital of the satrapy of Phrygia during the Achaemenid period. https://jstor.org/stable/community.11656755

Yahalom-Mack, N, D.M Finn, Y Erel, O Tirosh, E Galili, and A Yasur-Landau. “Incised Late Bronze Age Lead Ingots from the Southern Anchorage of Caesarea.” Journal of Archaeological Science, Reports 41 (2022): 1-10. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2021.103321


[1] Rodney Castleden, Minoans: Life in Bronze Age Crete, (Routledge, 1993), 4.

[2] Castleden, Minoans, 3.

[3] Cyprian Broodbank and Evangelia Kiriatzi, “The First ‘Minoans’ of Kythera Revisited: Technology, Demography, and Landscape in the Prepalatial Aegean,” American Journal of Archaeology 111, no. 2 (2007): 241–74, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40037274, 241.

[4] Chester G. Starr, “The Myth of the Minoan Thalassocracy,”Historia : Zeitschrift Für Alte Geschichte 3, no. 3 (1955): 282–91, https://www.jstor.org/stable/4434736, 283.

[5] Starr, “The Myth of the Minoan Thalassocracy,” 284.

[6] Starr, “The Myth of the Minoan Thalassocracy,” 284.

[7] Starr, “The Myth of the Minoan Thalassocracy,” 285.

[8] Robert J. Buck, “The Minoan Thalassocracy Re-Examined,” Historia : Zeitschrift Für Alte Geschichte 11, no. 2 (1962): 129–37, https://www.jstor.org/stable/4434736, 131.

[9] Buck, “The Minoan Thalassocracy Re-Examined,” 131.

[10] Castleden, Minoans, 3.

[11] Castleden, Minoans, 45.

[12] Castleden, Minoans, 46.

[13] Castleden, Minoans, 46.

[14] Castleden, Minoans, 113.

[15] Katarzyna Zeman-Wiśniewska, “Re-Evaluation of Contacts between Cyprus and Crete from the Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age,”Electrum (Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Instytut Historii) 27, no. 27 (2020): 11–32, https://doi.org/10.4467/20800909EL.20.001.12791, 26.

[16] Zeman-Wiśniewska, “Re-Evaluation of Contacts between Cyprus and Crete,” 26.

[17] N. Yahalom-Mack et al, “Incised Late Bronze Age Lead Ingots from the Southern Anchorage of Caesarea,” Journal of Archaeological Science, Reports 41 (2022): 1-10, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2021.103321, 1-2.

[18] Yahalom-Mack et al, “Incised Late Bronze Age Lead Ingots from the Southern Anchorage of Caesarea,” 3.

[19] Castleden, Minoans, 63.

[20] Castleden, Minoans, 40.

[21] Castleden, Minoans, 40.

[22] Castleden, Minoans, 77.

[23] Castleden, Minoans, 78.

[24] Castleden, Minoans, 77.

[25] Castleden, Minoans, 108.

[26] Castleden, Minoans, 109.

[27] Nimrod Marom, Assaf Yasur-Landau, and Eric H Cline, “The Silent Coast: Zooarchaeological Evidence to the Development Trajectory of a Second Millennium Palace at Tel Kabri,” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 39 (2015): 181–92, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2015.04.002, 182.

[28] Marom, Yasur-Landau, and Cline, “The Silent Coast,” 190.

[29] Caitlín E. Barrett, “The Perceived Value of Minoan and Minoanizing Pottery in Egypt,”Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 22, no. 2 (2010): 211–34, https://doi.org/10.1558/jmea.v22i2.211, 226,211. 226.

[30] Barrett, “The Perceived Value of Minoan and Minoanizing Pottery in Egypt, 226.

[31] Castleden, Minoans, 119.

[32] Castleden, Minoans, 12.

[33] Castleden, Minoans, 12.

[34] Bernando Urbani and Dionisios Youlatos, “A New Look at the Minoan ‘Blue’ Monkeys,” Antiquity 94, no. 374 (2020): e9, https://doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2020.29.

[35] Castleden, Minoans, 12.

[36] Castleden, Minoans, 12.

[37] Castleden, Minoans, 119.

[38] Castleden, Minoans, 119.

[39] Sara Cole, “The Wall Paintings of Tell el-Dab’a: Potential Aegean Connections,”  Pursuit – The Journal of Undergraduate Research at The University of Tennessee: Vol. 1 : Iss. 1 , Article 10 (2010): 112, https://trace.tennessee.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1006&context=pursuit.

[40] Cole, “The Wall Paintings of Tell el-Dab’a”, 112.

[41] Cole, “The Wall Paintings of Tell el-Dab’a”, 112.

[42] Cole, “The Wall Paintings of Tell el-Dab’a”, 112.

[43] M.S Tite et al, “Colour in Minoan Faience,” Journal of Archaeological Science 36, no. 2 (2009): 370, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2008.09.031.

[44] Tite et al, “Colour in Minoan Faience,” 370.

[45] Castleden, Minoans, 95.

[46] Castleden, Minoans, 88.

[47] Castleden, Minoans, 89.

[48] Castleden, Minoans, 90.

[49] J W Graham, “Further Notes on Minoan Palace Architecture: I. West Magazines and Upper Halls at Knossos and Mallia; 2. Access to, and Use of, Minoan Palace Roofs,” American Journal of Archaeology 83 (1979): 49–69, 49.

[50] Graham, “Further Notes on Minoan Palace Architecture,” 49.

[51] Castleden, Minoans, 90.

[52] Castleden, Minoans, 93.

[53] K. Demakopoulou and S. Aulsebrook, “The Gold and Silver Vessels and Other Precious Finds from the Tholos Tomb at Kokla in the Argolid,”Annual of the British School at Athens 113 (2018): 119–42, https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068245418000084.

[54] Demakopoulou and Aulsebrook, “The Gold and Silver Vessels and Other Precious Finds”.

[55] Castleden, “Minoans,” 95.

[56] John J Reich, “Twelve New Bronze and Iron Age Seals,”The Journal of Hellenic Studies 86 (1966): 159–65, https://doi.org/10.2307/629000.

[57] Reich, “Twelve New Bronze and Iron Age Seals”, 159.

[58] Castleden, Minoans, 118.

[59]Vessel (Pithos; Ht. 45cm.), ca. 1800 B.C, Terra cotta, Heraklion: Mus., Archaeological; From Dascylion, ancient capital of the satrapy of Phrygia during the Achaemenid period, https://jstor.org/stable/community.11656755.

[60] Vessel (Pithos; Ht. 45cm.), ca. 1800 B.C, Terra cotta, Heraklion: Mus.

[61] Vessel (Jug; Ht. 27cm.). ca. 1800 B.C.E. Terra cotta. Heraklion: Mus., Archaeological.; Found at Pazarli. https://jstor.org/stable/community.11656751.

[62]Three Handled Amphora: Marine Style Octopus, c.1500-1400 B.C, https://jstor.org/stable/community.13555696.

[63] Peter Zsolt Revesz and Bipin C. Desai, “Data Science Applied to Discover Ancient Minoan-Indus Valley Trade Routes Implied by Common Weight Measures,” Proceedings of the 26th International Database Engineered Applications, (New York: 2022), 150, https://doi.org/10.1145/3548785.3548804.

[64] Revesz and Desai, “Data Science Applied to Discover Ancient Minoan-Indus Valley Trade Routes”, 152.

[65] Revesz and Desai, “Data Science Applied to Discover Ancient Minoan-Indus Valley Trade Routes”, 152.

[66] Revesz and Desai, “Data Science Applied to Discover Ancient Minoan-Indus Valley Trade Routes”, 152.

[67] Castleden, Minoans, 116.

[68] Eti Bonn-Muller,“First Minoan Shipwreck,” Archaeology, Vol. 63, Boston: Archaeological Institute of America, 2010.

[69] Bonn-Muller, “First Minoan Shipwreck”.

[70] Bonn-Muller, “First Minoan Shipwreck”.

[71] Bonn-Muller, “First Minoan Shipwreck”.

[72] Bonn-Muller, “First Minoan Shipwreck”.

[73] Arthur Evans, “The Early Nilotic, Libyan and Egyptian Relations with Minoan Crete,” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 55 (1925): 199–228, https://doi.org/10.2307/2843640, 207.

[74] Evans, “The Early Nilotic, Libyan and Egyptian Relations with Minoan Crete,” 208.

[75] Castleden, Minoans, 117.

[76] Castleden, Minoans, 117.

[77] Castleden, Minoans, 117.

[78] Broodbank and Kiriatzi, “The First ‘Minoans’ of Kythera Revisited,” 241.

[79] Broodbank and Kiriatzi, “The First ‘Minoans’ of Kythera Revisited,” 242.

[80] Broodbank and Kiriatzi, “The First ‘Minoans’ of Kythera Revisited,” 259.

[81] Broodbank and Kiriatzi, “The First ‘Minoans’ of Kythera Revisited,” 267.

[82] Thera Excavation Storerooms (Greek repository, Akrotiri, contemporary),Three Vessels in the Storage Room of Sector A. at the Akrotiri Excavation Site, https://jstor.org/stable/community.31068453.

[83] Thera Excavation Storerooms, Three Vessels in the Storage Room of Sector A. at the Akrotiri Excavation Site.

[84] Thera Excavation Storerooms, Three Vessels in the Storage Room of Sector A. at the Akrotiri Excavation Site.

[85] Carl Knappett and Irene Nikolakopoulou, “Colonialism without Colonies? A Bronze Age Case Study from Akrotiri, Thera,” Hesperia 77, no. 1 (2008): 1–42, https://doi.org/10.2972/hesp.77.1.1, 37.

[86] Knappett and Nikolakopoulou, “Colonialism without Colonies?,” 38.

[87] Knappett and Nikolakopoulou, “Colonialism without Colonies?,” 38.

[88] Knappett and Nikolakopoulou, “Colonialism without Colonies?,” 36.

[89] David Keys, “Colonizing Cretans,” Archaeology, Vol. 57, Boston: Archaeological Institute of America, 2004.

[90] David Keys, “Colonizing Cretans”.

[91] Castleden, Minoans, 121.

[92] Castleden, Minoans, 121.

The Rise of the Führer

Regarded as one of the most notorious dictators, Adolf Hitler has cemented their place within history. When generally speaking of Hitler, negative connotations are often placed; Hitler is seen as a cruel dictator, responsible for the countless lost lives of the Jews. However, not much is talked about Hitler’s leadership and speaking skills that took over the German hearts. This historiography paper is not meant to justify, endorse, or celebrate Hitler’s actions, but rather, focus on how Hitler used propaganda to take advantage of Germany and allow for the Nazi regime. Throughout different monographs, they showcase Hitler as an evil dictator, while other monographs go against the idea that Hitler was a villain. Instead, many modern-day monographs acknowledge the methods Hitler used that led to some Germans painting Hitler seen as their savior. Although people and their history books have perspectives on who’s the true villain of the second World War, it must be remembered that every villain is a hero in their own eyes.

Generally, Adolf Hitler is mostly known for his cruel deeds; many modern historians recognize Hitler as a genius who used propaganda against weak Germans to his advantage.  George Stein’s Hitler (1966), St. Martin’s Hitler: A study in Personality and Politics (1979), and Alan Bullock’s Hitler a study in Tyranny (1955), all provide historical insight on how Hitler rose to power and how events shaped historians’ and citizens’ views on Hitler.  Within the three monographs, the authors take a different approach to examine Hitler’s actions, rise to power, personality, and social impact in light of German history and the second World War. In some cases, Hitler was praised by some Germans; modern day monographs acknowledge the praise, but speak on how Hitler was actually just a cruel man. Within the monographs, there is a common theme found; Hitler is the root of evil and nothing more. The authors of the different monographs also explain how Hitler would lie in his autobiography Mein Kampf. Stein, Carr, and Bullock all criticize Mein Kampf and reveal how Hitler would strategically exaggerate events to appeal to the public. Despite the Second World War happening decades ago, monographs are being written to showcase the cruel and upbringing of the Hitler regime. Although the upbringing of the Nazi regime was very cruel, it has been acknowledged that Hitler was a phenomenal leader- with an amazing display of leadership and propaganda skills. In no way shape or form are the monographs trying to justify the horrors that Hitler brought, but to educate the readers how a man, equipped with proper leadership, can rise to power through propaganda, manipulation, and greed. 

            With Stein’s monograph, Hitler, scholars are able to reshape how Hitler is perceived. Stein offers readers both sides of Hitler’s regime upbringing, showcasing both the negative and positive tales of Hitler’s regime. As mentioned and emphasized earlier, historians think that Hitler was a purely evil man. Although this is true for the most part for most scholars and the general audience, Stein’s monograph acknowledges and praises Hitler’s work as a leader. It has to be remembered that Stein is not praising Hitler for the genocides and the wars, but showing how Hitler’s excellent manipulative skills allowed him to gain control in a weak Germany. As their monograph develops, Stein gives readers different stories and scenarios that aids in their understanding of Hitler. Within these stories, readers are able to understand Hitler’s childhood and his development in German politics. With this in mind, Stein allows scholars to analyze how

Hitler aided Germany, but also caused plenty of chaos. However, Stein’s monograph points towards the idea that Hitler was actually praised in Germany. Especially after the first war, the Germans needed a savior, which many of the Germans found in Hitler. Despite the many positive talks, Stein also talks about the cruel stories of Hitler.

            Within Stein’s Hitler, Stein offers three different views on Hitler. Stein gives insight about Hitler’s regime through Hitler’s own words, through the opinion of his contemporaries, and through retrospective.[1] According to Stein, he mentions that Hitler regarded himself as a great man, nonetheless, the historian Stein recognizes both positive and negative greatness of Hitler’s rise.[2] As mentioned previously in the introduction, Stein analyzes Hitler’s words to understand how the villain of the story viewed himself as the hero. Even though the different ideas that Hitler was a monster, Hitler’s perspective on himself was nothing short of great. With the help of Stein’s Hitler, Stein’s monograph contributes toward an understanding of both sides of Hitler’s power; the devoted and the non-believers. 

            Within the first part of Hitler, readers can understand how Hitler rose to power through the eyes of the man himself. Inside this section, readers and scholars alike can learn about Hitler through the way that he expresses himself. By analyzing Hitler’s word choices and actions, Stein helps shed light on the hatred, the greed, and manipulation that led to Hitler’s rise. When it came to tactics and propaganda, Hitler is credited to be a smart man; Stein blames most of Hitler’s ideologies on generalized anxiety, frustration, and the need to find his own identity.3 In order to understand Hitler and his successes, historians must examine the techniques and methods that Hitler used. More importantly, it is important the propaganda and leadership skills that tricked a nation into believing the Nazi regime.  In order to understand Hitler’s techniques and methods, Mein Kampf can be studied to understand how Hitler gained the trust of the public. Despite being seen as a fearless and ever powerful dictator, Hitler paints himself in a different way in his autobiography, Mein Kampf. Within this autobiography, Hitler portrays himself as a poor, struggling student who diligently earned his meager by hard work.[3] Here, readers can see the comparisons of Stein’s work and Hitler’s own. Stein’s monograph starts off criticizing Hitler’s autobiography and calls out Hitler for manipulating people for sympathy. Hitler would use sympathy to relate to the millions of Germans who were poor and affected by the First World War. In reality, this was all a propaganda tactic as Stein claims that Hitler was born into a middle-class family that provided everything he needed. Tying back to the idea of spreading propaganda, Stein argues that Hitler would make himself appeal to the Germans. Especially coming off, and losing, the war, Germans faced poverty and seeing their newfound hero go through similar circumstances gave them a false sense of sympathy; hope that a poor child can achieve anything with hard work. Being a manipulator, patience and false sense of sympathy were key techniques to Hitler’s rise. With a combination of coercion and false promises, Hitler managed to force through the Reichstag laws that allowed him to deviate from the constitution, whenever he thought it necessary.[4]

            Although Hitler had various leadership techniques, his sense of propaganda enabled him to appeal to the Germans. According to Stein, Hitler used propaganda to reach greater masses of people with a lower intellectual level.6 In other words, Hitler found a way to understand the general emotion of the public and used it to his advantage. Hitler would strategically use this understanding to convince lower intellectual Germans that his ideology matched theirs. With the help of Stein’s arguments and monographs, readers are able to understand how propaganda

played a major role in Hitler’s success. Although Hitler’s propaganda can be seen as a terrible tactic, it shows how Hitler’s master plan of manipulation enabled him to get control of the masses through his ideologies.

            In Section 1, Part 5 of Hitler, Stein explains how Hitler rose to power through his hatred for the Jews. Stein refers back to Mein Kampf to show how Hitler’s hatred for the Jews helped him gain the support of the public. Through brainwashing and public manipulation, Hitler was able to put the blame of the war on the Jews. In this aspect, Hitler can be painted as a genius, as his usage of patriotism enabled him to convince the Germans that they must be prepared to be ready to lay down their lives for their country.[5] Stein highlighted patriotism as a positive trait, as Hitler viewed himself as a leader who would do anything for his country. With a false sense of patriotism, Hitler would cleverly pick and blame people to convince Germans that they should support his cause

When the topic of Hitler rises, there is a mixed bag of reviews. By this, historians, as well as the general public, view Hitler as evil reincarnated. However, Stein argues that many Germans had a positive outlook on Hitler. Despite being a manipulator, liar, and cruel, Stein discusses how sources claim that Hitler was charming, even endearing; that he was sensitive and capable.[6] Hitler is generally regarded as an evil dictator; with the help of Stein, historians understand a new side of Hitler and his characteristics. Within Stein’s monograph, it was found that followers viewed Hitler as a genius who was organized and cared for his fellow companions.9 Stein offered a perspective that painted Hitler as a person who seemed to care about the welfare of others.

Although society views Hitler’s psychopathic personality as the root for evil, many of Hitler’s followers praised his personality to make him appear as a genius.[7] Whether the persona be artificial or genuine, Hitler would use his likeable persona to brainwash the German nation.

William Carr’s Hitler: A Study in Personality and Politics presents Hitler in the light of modern historical science. Despite this monograph being written in a different time period,  Stein and Carr both agree that Hitler’s expertise in manipulation and mind control enabled him to gain control of Germany. Similar to Stein, Carr believes that Hitler cast a spell over millions of Germans desperately seeking reassurance at a time of unprecedented crisis.[8] Despite both monographs being written years apart, one thing stays the same- Hitler brainwashed. Hitler was well known for his leadership and manipulation tactics, many of his notable traits include the usage of dogmatic assertion, repetition, biting sarcasm and emotional appeal to win over his followers.12 Going back to Stein’s claim, most of the Germans who appealed to Hitler’s words were those lower- and middle-class people; specifically, the lower-class intellectuals.

With this in mind, readers are able to understand how Hitler’s main followers came from the lower levels of society, those of which, that lacked the proper education. Carr sheds light on how the middle-class people yearn for a father figure, and Hitler used that to his advantage. Hitler perfectly created his persona around the idea that he was the father figure that was able to support Germany in times of need and the Germans were manipulated into believing it. Similar to Stein’s approach, Carr argues that Hitler’s targeted propaganda allowed Hitler to take over Germany. Carr praises Hitler for his use of propaganda, as he claims that Hitler had an extraordinary instinct and understanding of it.13 Being a master of propaganda isn’t an easy feat, as Hitler would perfectly cater in his speeches and arguments to appeal to the Germans. With this in mind, Carr argues that Hitler knew what the general appeal was and used it to negotiations; Hitler tricked the people of Germany and countless people into believing in him.

Going back to Mein Kampf, the autobiography is once again being called out for its fabrication and lies. By this, Carr also criticized Mein Kampf for painting Hitler’s fake persona and upbringing as a fabricated story. Hitler would complain about his poor life- when in reality, he had favorable conditions growing up. The fabrication of Hitler’s autobiography was done on purpose, Hitler once again wanted to appeal to the middle and lower class. Stein limited his view to just the German lower and middle class, while Carr gives more insight on how Hitler manipulated the government to come into control. 

Carr provides a new perspective on Hitler’s persona. With their new claim, Carr argues that Hitler is not the one to fully blame for many events in history. However, the ones to blame are shifted towards Hitler’s accomplices. Although the Nazi regime and motives were Hitler’s vision, Hitler only provided the foundation for the plans. In other words, Hitler provided the blueprints but his accomplices did the work to carry out the plans. Historians can see this as Hitler and his associates were not in possession of a blueprint for aggression as the Nuremberg Tribunal believed.14 In reality, one of Hitler’s goals was to avoid

However, this is not to excuse any of Hitler’s plans or motives, but to acknowledge that Hitler was not the sole person responsible for many of the crimes. Carr’s monograph reveals new details about Hitler’s personality. Prior to Carr, little to nothing was known about Hitler. With the help of modern history, historians can learn more about Hitler’s complex personality. Prior studies believed that Hitler was a person with the Oedipus complex; when a son loves his mother while showing hatred for his father. With recent studies and monographs, historians concluded that this is not fully true.

Carr argues how Hitler never really loved his mother, and how he really never hated his father.[9] Instead, it was found that Hitler would have to constantly reassure his mother, which caused him to be spoiled and dependent on her. Carr refers back to Stein, as they agree that Hitler’s personality came to be a result of trauma and not the Oedipal complex.17 Hitler’s personality isn’t seen as an Oedipus complex anymore, instead, it can be seen as a man imprisoned in a shame-guilt cycle. With the help of new Historical evidence, it can be confirmed that Hitler experienced his major identity crisis between the age of eighteen and twenty.18

Since Hitler was dependent on his mother, her death caused Hitler to break away from the world. Historians point towards the idea that Hitler’s time in the military played a role in shaping Hitler’s trauma. Within his military time, Hitler would have a personality crisis and tried to pinpoint a scapegoat for all of the problems being faced. By using brainwashing techniques, Hitler would help Germans to find a way to cope with their troubles instead. By manipulating the Germans, Hitler was able to overcome his trauma by offering to aid the weak Germans. 

With Bullock’s Hitler: A Study in Tyranny, Bullock explores the role of Hitler and how he rose to power. Bullock begins his monograph with two questions in mind, what great part did Hitler play in the Third Reich and how did Hitler rise to power? Bullock takes a different approach as Bullock’s theme is to study the dictator and not the dictatorship. In other words, Bullock is focusing on the personality and characteristics of Hitler instead of the evil deeds committed by the Nazi regime. Much like the previous authors, Bullock criticizes Mein Kampf as he believes that Hitler makes his story much more dramatic than it actually was. By being overdramatic, Hitler seeks to gain the sympathy of the German citizens. Bullock explains that Hitler attempted to be seen as a poor child, but he agrees with Stein and Carr that this is not true. In line with Carr, Bullock debunks the idea of the Oedipus complex and explains it as a more dramatic response by Hitler. With constant fabricated stories, Hitler is seen trying to gain the support of the Germans by gaining petty points on his upbringing. This tactic was one of Hitler’s most common tactics, as he would relate back to German struggles. 

With Bullock’s monograph, readers are able to understand how Hitler would often falsely sympathize with the public. Although Hitler wrote about Vienna’s working-class misery, it was evident that his words produced no sympathy.[10] Despite Hitler showing false support and sympathy, it was used to show how he attempted to care. One of the tactics Hitler used was to learn the working-class hatred towards the higher class. By understanding this concept, Hitler used this to his advantage to gain the support of the working class. Bullock tells readers that Hitler found the solution in the “discovery” that the working men were the victims of a deliberate system.20 In other words, Hitler’s discovery of working men led towards his attempts to gain the support of the poor. As previously stated earlier, the lower class was also seen as having lower intellectual abilities, Hitler’s main targeted group. 

  A new study shows that Hitler did not entirely hate the Jews, but fabricated the propaganda to appeal to the Germans. In Mein Kampf, Hitler would have pages that references Jews. However, in the devoted pages towards Jews, Hitler failed to provide any facts to support his reasoning to hate the Jews. Although the Jewish population was the main victims of the Nazi regime, historians learn that Hitler used the Jews as a fantasy where he projected all that he hates and fears. With recent studies, it shows that the Jewish people were seen as the scapegoats for Germany. In other words, Hitler used Jews as scapegoats to find closure after losing resources and power after the first war. Hitler wisely used this tactic, as he knew finding a scapegoat would allow him to gain support of the Germans.   

Hitler is praised for his leadership skills, but Bullock reveals that Hitler’s nationalism was both unoriginal and highly motivated by propaganda. By this, the ideas that Hitler executed were not Hitler’s own original ideas. Instead of being original, Hitler was able to derive previous ideas from old sources for his movement.[11]  Hitler is depicted to be seen as a mastermind, when he really has no originality in himself; Hitler was able to use his sources and prior ideas to his advantage and appeal to the public. Studies prove that Hitler believed propaganda was key to success, as Hitler observed the successes of English propaganda. Many of the monographs talk about how Hitler emerged from fixed ideas and prejudices, stemming from his traumatic life.

Hitler is seen as a genius for his ability to use propaganda and target the right people. Throughout the monographs seen within this paper, propaganda is a key talking point in every single one of them. The three authors are all in unison to agree that propaganda was the main driving force within Hitler’s rise to power. As mentioned earlier, Hitler had no original ideas, but properly presented himself to gain support. Hitler’s genius was seen when it was time to exploit the weaknesses of the Germans. With recent studies, historians found that Hitler came to know Germany and the Germans in hopes of exploiting their weaknesses. By 1933, Hitler had spoken to almost every single town in Germany, targeting the lower class towns the most. By using his powerful words and leadership skills, Hitler aimed to appear as the hero Germany desperately needed. Bullock provides a new insight on Hitler’s rise to power, as his advantage was that he became a well-supported public figure. 

Hitler rose to power through the powerful messages sent out through his political movements. In order to properly understand the rise of Hitler, the Nazi regime and their movement must be analyzed from a psychological perspective. Hitler’s strength came through his gaining of the public trust, where Hitler properly knew what the masses needed. During his movement, Hitler explains his movement must avoid everything which may lessen or weaken its power of influencing the masses.[12] In other words, Hitler would avoid any obstacles that might have hindered his image or the image that the Nazi regime was trying to portray. Bullock explains in his monograph that Hitler uses constant repetition which succeeded in imprinting an idea on the memory of a crowd.[13] Hitler manipulated the collective memory of the messages, as Hitler would enforce specific memories towards the masses. By enforcing specific memories, Hitler would manipulate the feelings that the masses had towards the Nazi regime. Repetition was seen as key towards Hitler’s success as Stein reveals that Hitler would constantly repeat the same idea over and over.

With this constant repetition, Hitler left a footprint within the crowds. Hitler’s best propaganda and manipulation skills were shown within his speeches. In his speeches, Bullock reveals that Hitler would use specific, emotion triggering words to get the Germans on his side. By emotion triggering, historians learn that Hitler would employ verbal violence and repeat the words “smash”, “force”, “ruthless”, to evoke an effect on the audience. With the constant repetition drilled in the Germans, historians found the effectiveness of Hitler’s speeches to actually impact society into believing that he was correct. Prior to the Nazi regime, Hitler was unknown to the large general public. The Germans were unaware who Hitler was, but he had recently become a familiar figure, thanks to a publicity campaign.24 Bullock explains how

Hitler’s popularity caused him to attract the attention of those who controlled the political funds from heavy industry and big businesses. Looking back at Hitler’s regime, historians learn that Hitler needed the support of both industrialists and big businesses to be able to control the funds for his organization and propaganda.

Within Bullock’s study of Hitler, Bullock discusses how Hitler’s personality was key in making him an effective leader. Regardless of the many troubles or situations that the Nazis found themselves in, Hitler was what kept his men together. Bullock establishes Hitler as a man with a striking leadership quality, a leader that was devoted to his soldiers and goals. Hitler would never let go, never lose faith in himself, and communicated this with his comrades- which ended up boosting their spirits. History does not credit Hitler for his leadership, even though he was the sole reason that the Nazi regime was not abolished sooner. Hitler was the glue within his army, as his constant leadership and positive outlook was a key factor in boosting esteem within the regime. Even while he was in prison, Hitler did not lose faith and constantly reassured his supporters. However, Hitler proves that a cruel movement can gain support through a person’s top tier leadership qualities.

Hitler’s tactics included a mixture of bribery, appeals, and threats. All throughout the German streets there were slogans plastered all over the walls and posters showcasing any sort of help to boost Hitler’s reputation. Stein and Carr explained how Hitler appealed to the middle- and lower-class Germans, but Bullock reveals that Hitler also aimed to target respectable bourgeois parties like the democrats. Much like the Germans of the time, the different political parties were crying out with crippling anxiety and depression. Hitler once again took advantage by offering a brand of extremism. Bullock mentions how Hitler never forgot his main theme in Mein Kampf, as he always targeted the masses, since “possession of the streets is key to the power in the state.”25 Hitler was a genius when it came time to target the masses, as he knew that the lower-class citizens, or streets, were crucial in the development of his regime.

After analyzing the three monographs, the historians are able to offer scholars and readers a new perspective on Hitler. Collective memory enables people to view Hitler as this villain, but fail to acknowledge the incredible grit and determination it took to become a leader. People often mistake Hitler’s manipulation as a negative trait, but the monographs shifted this view to be seen as Hitler’s outstanding traits. Manipulation is tied with a negative connotation, but when used wisely, manipulation can be seen as a positive trait. Although the manipulation didn’t lead to positive outcomes, it shows how it can be used to gain the support of masses. Through manipulation and propaganda, Hitler was able to accomplish great features. To convince thousands of people to follow a regime is outstanding, and Hitler had all the tools to convince the Germans. The monographs acknowledge Hitler’s skill as a genius trait, since many leaders would stumble when trying to convince the mass millions.

The new studies of Hitler coming to light, scholars are able to understand the true nature of Hitler. Before these monographs, historians had different ideas and outlooks on Hitler’s life- many of which mistakenly took Hitler’s personality as a result of the Oedipus complex. With the help of Stein, Carr, and Bullock, historians reframe their thinking of Hitler and how his personality came to be. It has been found that Hitler was not a product of the Oedipus complex, but a result from childhood trauma that came from his dependence on his mother. Contrary to popular belief, Hitler did not love his mother- debunking the Oedipus complex. To further debunk the Oedipus complex labeled on Hitler, Bullock mentions how Hitler did not hate his father but over exaggerated his story.

Prior to any monograph or stories, the only source scholars had on Hitler was through his autobiography. Although Hitler’s autobiography had over dramatic events, scholars were able to understand a glimpse of Hitler’s life. The three monographs help historians understand that Hitler’s autobiography is not entirely accurate. As mentioned before, Hitler would exaggerate his stories to manipulate sympathy from the public. Modern day monographs help reveal the true nature of Mein Kampf and expose some of the lies. All through-out the monographs, it is apparent that they credit Hitler’s rise to power due to his genius use of propaganda. Hitler would use his propaganda to target the middle and lower class who were desperately trying to find a hero. All three authors explain how Hitler painted himself as the hero and would lie in his autobiography to appeal to the people of Germany. The monographs shift history’s understanding of Hitler’s tactics by showcasing how Hitler used the desperation of the German people to his advantage.  

In Bullock’s monograph, Bullock paints Hitler as a clueless person who used luck and manipulation to gain the trust of millions. Hitler had an incredible array of leadership skills and knew how to persuade people. There are countless examples of historical figures that had a part to play in the war, such as other Nazi members and the other Axis powers. As mentioned before, Hitler was the one to be the leader since he had the vocal and persuasive skills to be the leader. The other Nazi higher ranking members and Axis powers had similar ideas, but they just needed Hitler’s platform to reach new heights. The monographs show how Hitler’s manipulation, greed, and childhood trauma, allowed him to become the leader that society knows today. Hitler kept his ideas and did not back down from them, showing leadership qualities in tragic events. Although scholars and historians learn that most of Hitler’s ideas were not originally his, Hitler used prior platforms to his advantage.

Collective memories paint Hitler as a villain, but history must consider his genius as a leader that manipulated his rise to power. As Stein previously mentioned, historians must recognize the positive and negative aspects of the historical figure and the same must be done for Hitler. Although Hitler is seen as mostly negative, the monographs listed here enable scholars to analyze the rise of Hitler and compare it to other politicians. Despite being the villain in countless stories, Hitler is a hero in the eyes of the manipulated and gullible. 

History does not just live within the textbooks or within a teacher’s lesson; history can be seen repeating in our modern-day life. A single man’s voice was able to manipulate and gain the attention of millions of blind supporters, a pattern that can be seen repeating constantly. Even the craziest of ideas can be accomplished through manipulation, propaganda, and other tactics. The historiography paper, The Rise of the Führer, can be used to analyze how Hitler’s tactics gave his voice the power to control the blind masses to go against the Jews. Teaching the rise of Hitler is important in any school curriculum where students are exposed to ideas that involve authoritarianism, manipulation, and dictatorship. Countless politicians and world leaders saw the warning signs of Hitler but failed to really put a halt to him. Relating it to modern day, the world is slowly seeing another Hitler on the rise: Donald Trump.

            Donald Trump is seen using the same tactics as Hitler: manipulation, propaganda, and borderline authoritarianism. For educators, it is important to not only teach about how Hitler rose to power but also connect it to modern-day politicians like Trump. Students need to be educated on the rise of dictators and the consequences that can be faced if they are not stopped. Although The Rise of the Führer does not provide a solution on how to stop a dictator, the paper analyzes how easily the masses can be controlled. 

Bullock, A. (1991). Hitler: A study in tyranny. HarperCollins.

Carr, W. (1978). Hitler: A study in personality and politics. Hodder Education.

Hitler, A. (2015). Mein Kampf (R. Manheim, Trans.). CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform. (Original work published 1925)

Stein, G. (1968). Hitler. Spectrum Books.


[1] George Stein’s Hitler, 14

[2] Stein’s Hitler Introduction, 1

[3] Stein’s, 4

[4] Stein, 13

[5] Stein, 78

[6] Stein, 88

[7] Stein, 106

[8] William Carr’s Hitler: A Study in Personality and Politics

[9] Carr, 152

[10] Bullock, 32

[11] Bullock 40

[12] Bullock, 60

[13] Bullock, 63

Era 13 Postwar United States: Civil Unrest and Social Change

www.njcss.org

The relationship between the individual and the state is present in every country, society, and civilization. Relevant questions about individual liberty, civic engagement, government authority, equality and justice, and protection are important for every demographic group in the population.  In your teaching of World History, consider the examples and questions provided below that should be familiar to students in the history of the United States with application to the experiences of others around the world.

These civic activities are designed to present civics in a global context as civic education happens in every country.  The design is flexible regarding using one of the activities, allowing students to explore multiple activities in groups, and as a lesson for a substitute teacher. The lessons are free, although a donation to the New Jersey Council for the Social Studies is greatly appreciated. www.njcss.org

Era 13 Postwar United States: Civil Rights and Social Change (1945 to early 1970s)

The postwar era marked the rise of America as a world power. The new world order established alliance and economic agreements that have led to unprecedented economic growth. However, this period also marks divisions between countries with democratic institutions, authoritarian governments following the ideology of Marxist communism, and developing countries with issues of poverty, disease, debt, and human rights abuses. The United States faced issues or racial segregation, a shrinking middle class, and the expansion of costly federal government programs and a large defense budget causing its national debt to increase. Technology and the media influenced social changes.

Dixiecrats and the Authority of State Government in the United States

The principle of federalism is valued in the way the people of the United States govern themselves. There is a fine line between the division of powers between the states and the national government. The Tenth Amendment specifically protects the powers of the 50 states, and the Ninth Amendment protects the powers of individual citizens.  The powers of the national government are carefully defined and limited.

“The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.” (Ninth Amendment)

“The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.” (Tenth Amendment)

“The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual Service of the United States; he may require the Opinion, in writing, of the principal Officer in each of the executive Departments, upon any Subject relating to the Duties of their respective Offices, and he shall have Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment.” (Article 2, Section 2)

“He shall from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in Case of Disagreement between them, with Respect to the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to such Time as he shall think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers; he shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed, and shall Commission all the Officers of the United States.” (Article 2, Section 3)

The Dixiecrats perceived the legislation passed by the national government (Congress and President Truman) to integrate American society as a threat to their liberty and authority as independent states. In the 1948 presidential election, Southern Democrats walked out of the Democratic National Convention because they disagreed with its civil rights platform. They formed a new political party with South Carolina’s Governor Strom Thurmond as their party’s presidential nominee. Their objective was to deny or ‘nullify’ laws passed by the national government to integrate schools and modes of transportation. Individual states wanted to continue with the 1896 “separate but equal” decision from the U.S. Supreme Court decision in Plessy v. Ferguson

In 1798, Congress passed, and President John Adams signed into law, the Alien and Sedition Acts. The acts outraged Thomas Jefferson and Kentucky declared the Alien and Sedition Acts unconstitutional and “altogether void and of no force” in the state of Kentucky.

Kentucky held that our Constitution was a “compact” among the states that delegated a set of limited powers to the federal government. This meant that “every state” had the power to “nullify of their own authority” any violation of the Constitution. In 1832, South Carolina declared the Tariff of 1832 was unconstitutional, “null, void, and no law” because they disproportionately burdened southern states.

“This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding.” (Article 6)

Switzerland’s Government

Switzerland is governed under a federal system at three levels: the Confederation, the 26 cantons and the 2,131 communes. The Swiss Confederation of States and its current boundaries were agreed to in 1815 and its current constitution was adopted in 1848. Switzerland has a direct democracy with citizens voting on decisions at all political levels. Switzerland is governed by the Federal Council of seven members representing the different political parties and are elected by the two-house assembly or parliament. whose decisions are made by consensus. Switzerland has a two-house assembly, the National Council is the lower house and represents the people. The upper house is the Council of States and represents the individual cantons. Switzerland also has ten political parties. The powers of cantons include education, culture, healthcare, welfare, law enforcement, taxation, and voting. Cantons have their own constitutions, parliaments, and courts, which are aligned with the federal constitution. 

An example of a conflict in Switzerland that challenged the authority of the individual cantons is the city of Moutier with a population of 7,500 in the canton of Bern. Since 1957, the Moutier committee wanted to secede from the canton of Bern and join the canton of Jura. The majority of people in Bern have voted to keep Moutier within its jurisdiction.  Four out of the seven Jura districts narrowly rejected forming a new district. The three northern, majority Roman Catholic, districts voted in favor of a new district.

Since 2013, there have been peaceful protests and at times vandalism. The people of Moutier voted to join the Jura canton making it the second largest town in the canton of Jura. Although a majority, 51%, of the people voted to join, the government and people of Bern declared their vote to be invalid because some people voted whose residency could not be confirmed. There have been nine referendums in the past 70 years with the population voting to secede and join the Canton of Jura in 2021.  The change to the canton of Jura took effect on January 1, 2026, granting Moutier the right to secede from one canton and join another.

Questions:

  1. Should the national government of the United States be able to enforce common laws for holidays, the economy, schools, transportation, public health, and the environment in all 50 states and territories?
  • What are the advantages and disadvantages of the federal system of power between the individual states and the national government in the United States?
  • Does the Swiss government model have any advantages or disadvantages over the structure of government in the United States?
  • What would be the best way to resolve the conflict with the population of Moutier?
  • Will the decision allowing Moutier to secede establish a precedent for future towns or cities to secede in Switzerland?  

Platform of the States Rights Democratic Party, August 14, 1948

Article 1, Section 8: Federalism and the Overall Scope of Federal Power

Keeping the Balance: What a President Can and Cannot Do (Truman Library)

Looking Back: Nullification in American History (National Constitution Center)

Political System of Switzerland

Federalism in Switzerland

Education is primarily a state and local responsibility in the United States. About 92% of the money for elementary and secondary education comes from local taxes and money from the individual states. The role of the federal government in education dates back to 1867 when Congress wanted information on teachers and how students learn. Over time this led to land-grant colleges and vocational schools After World War 2, the federal government enacted the “GI Bill” to provide college and vocational education to returning veterans.

In response to the Soviet launch of a satellite, Sputnik, into space in 1957, Congress passed the National Defense Education Act to provide funds for teachers in the areas of mathematics, science, world languages, and area studies to enable us to compete with the Soviet Union. Perhaps the most significant legislation to increase federal funds for schools came in response to the passage of civil rights laws in the 1960s and 1970s and the Great Society programs to reduce poverty. In 1980, Congress established the Department of Education as a position in the president’s Cabinet. In 2025, the Department of Education’s staff and budget was significantly reduced. The Department of Education before 2025 supported 50 million students in 98,000 public schools and 32,000 private schools. They also provided grants, loans, and work-study programs to 12 million students in colleges and vocational training programs. In addition, they administered $150 billion in loans.

The purpose of federal funds in the United States is to provide equality for disadvantaged students and to improve academic achievement. This is monitored through state assessments based on learning standards. Unfortunately, some states lowered their expectations for student achievement to qualify for the federal funds and the federal government is currently investigating fraud in how federal dollars are being spent.

In the United States, federal funds are designated for after school instruction, English language acquisition, preschools, nutrition, literacy, teaching American history and civics, charter, and  magnet schools.

School Financing in Canada

School funding in Canada is primarily a responsibility of provincial and territorial governments. The federal government contributes money to ensure an equal education for its significant indigenous population. Most funding is from Canada’s 10 provinces. Some provinces provide public funding to private, charter, and religious schools.

The government of Canada views education as a public good from which everyone in society benefits. Education prepares students for jobs, higher education, lowers crime, and reduces poverty. Employers also benefit as educated workers are more productive leading to higher profits for businesses. The only province to fully embrace school choice is Alberta. Canadians fear that school choice may lead wealthier Canadians to benefit from independent, parochial, charter, or magnet schools and this would leave marginalized populations at a disadvantage. Equality and equity are two principles that Canadians value.

According to U.S. News & World Report, the United States is ranked #1 and Canada is ranked #4 in the world in education.

Questions:

  1. Should local communities, states or provinces, or the national government decide the curriculum and funding for public schools?
  2. To what extent should public tax dollars be used to support private or religious schools?
  3. What is the best way to ensure an equal and equitable education for all students?
  4. Should public tax dollars be used for extracurricular activities and sports in schools?
  5. Do you consider education to be a public good that benefits all of society or is it a private good that benefits individual students?
  6. To what extent should public tax dollars be used to support college and vocational education after completing elementary and secondary education?

Elementary and Secondary Education Act

Canada’s Approach to School Funding

Council of Ministers of Education, Canada

De facto Racial Residential Segregation in the United States

The United States ended racial segregation with the Brown v. Board of Education v. Topeka, Kansas decision by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1954, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. However, the United States continues to be a place of segregation, not integration. Residential segregation exists through our zip codes and neighborhoods. Although our laws prohibit discrimination, differences in land use policies, wealth and income, contribute to what is called de facto racial residential segregation. Neighborhoods determine the quality of schools, public safety, quality of drinking water, opportunities for employment, strategies of law enforcement, rates of incarceration, and life expectancy.

A study by the University of California (Source) found that more than 80 percent of metropolitan areas were more segregated in 2019 than in 1990. In 2025, the United States government effectively ended support for DEI (Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion) programs. Racial residential segregation is difficult to    address when resources are not equally available to all communities. The Kerner Commission wrote in its 1968 report that integration is “the only course which explicitly seeks to achieve a single nation” rather than a dual or permanently divided society.

Table 3: Top 10 Most Segregated Metropolitan Statistical Areas (2019, Minimum 200,000 people)

Segregation  RankMetro
1New York-Northern New Jersey-Long Island, NY-NJ-PA
2Chicago-Joliet-Naperville, IL-IN-WI
3Milwaukee-Waukesha-West Allis, WI
4Detroit-Warren-Livonia, MI
5Miami-Fort Lauderdale-Pompano Beach, FL
6Los Angeles-Long Beach-Santa Ana, CA
7Trenton-Ewing, NJ
8Cleveland-Elyria-Mentor, OH
9Philadelphia-Camden-Wilmington, PA-NJ-DE-MD
10 (tied)Beaumont-Port Arthur, TX
10 (tied)New Orleans-Metairie-Kenner, LA

Religious Segregation in India

India ended the caste system in 1947 and yet many Indians live in religiously segregated areas. One of the reasons for this segregation is that friendship circles are often part of the religious community and marriages are within the same faith community. People in southern India are most likely to live in integrated neighborhoods. Indians with a college degree are more accepting of people from other faiths living in their neighborhoods than those with less education.

Very few Indians say they are married to someone with a different religion. Almost all married people (99%) reported that their spouse shared their religion. This applies to Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs and Buddhists.

Indians generally marry within same religion

Religion, especially members of the Hindu faith, is closely connected with views on politics and national identity. Hindus make up 80% of India’s population. A Pew Research study found that 36% of Hindus would not be willing to live near a Muslim, and 31% say they would not want a Christian living in their neighborhood. Jains are even more likely to express such views:. 54% of people who identify with the Jainist faith would not accept a Muslim as a neighbor, and 47% say the same about Christians. People who identify as Buddhist tend to be the most accepting of people from other faith traditions. Eight-in-ten Buddhists in India say they would accept a Muslim, Hindu, Christian, Sikh or Jain as a neighbor.

Members of both large and small religious groups mostly keep friendships within religious lines

And Indians who live in the Central region of the country are more inclined than people in other regions to say it is very important to stop people from marrying outside of their religion. Among Hindus in the Central region, for instance, 82% say stopping the interreligious marriage of Hindu women is very important, compared with 67% of Hindus nationally. Among Muslims in the region, nearly all (96%) see it as crucial to stop Muslim women from marrying outside the faith, versus 80% of Muslims nationally.

The religious segregation also impacts the quality of education and employment. Muslim student enrollment is dropping. Some states in India are banning religious instruction even though it is protected by the national constitution.

Questions:

  1. Are there common factors (geographic, social, economic, racial, educational, religious, etc.) causing different kinds of segregation in Indian and the United States?
  2. How can countries best establish a social system of equality and integration?
  3. Is segregation present in your school or community?
  4. How do countries/societies unite or define their identity?
  5. Is the problem of segregation about the same, more severe, less severe in India or the United States?

Examples of Government Regulation of Business in the United States

Religious Segregation in India (Pew Research Center)

The Great Society Program in the United States

In 1965, according to the U.S. Census, the poverty rate in the United States was 13.3%. In 2024, it was 10.6%. However, poverty rates often provide mixed data because of inflation, income levels, race, and age. For examples in 1965 45% of the population in South Carolina was below the poverty line and in 2024 the poverty rate for Hispanic (15%), Black Americans (18.4%), and Native Americans (19.3%) is significantly higher than 10.6%. The definition is further complicated by the difference between absolute poverty (below an income of $31,200 for a four-person household) and relative poverty (the quality of life for people in a neighborhood or community).

Social Security and Medicare are for senior citizens who are eligible at age 65 for Medicare and age 67 for Social Security. There are 83 million people, including children, receiving Medicaid, about 25% of the population. The program is offered by the states and the services provided depend on the state. An average estimate for eligibility is an income that is about 140 percent above the federal poverty level ($30,000 for a family of two in New Jersey, as of 2026). In New Jersey, Medicaid costs about 23% of the state’s budget. Approximately 25% of the residents in New Jesey receive Medicaid at an average cost of $2,600 per enrollee. Amounts vary and are higher for families with children and pregnant women.

According to the Congressional Research Services, mandatory spending was only 30% of the federal budget. Today, it is 60%. Medicare and Medicaid together cost nearly $1 trillion annually. Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security, are the main contributors to our national debt, which is now over $40 trillion (or roughly $59,000 per citizen). According to the Kaiser Family Foundation, Medicare provides health insurance coverage to 68 million Americans. Funding for Medicare is from government contributions, payroll tax revenues, and premiums paid by beneficiaries. Medicare spending is currently about 13.5% of the federal budget or roughly $1.1 trillion. The average cost is $17,000 per enrollee with a $12 billion shortfall in 2023, about $1,300 per enrollee.  The administration of President Trump cut some of the Medicaid programs in 2025 and is negotiating lower prescription drug costs to reduce this shortfall. An aging population and higher health care costs are factors that are expected to continue. Even with these Great Society programs, poverty among the elderly is significantly high. According to USA Today,

“Based on the official measure, which is a simple calculation based on pretax cash income compared with a national threshold, the percentage of seniors in poverty rose to 9.9% last year from 9.7% in 2023, data showed. Using the more comprehensive supplemental measure, which includes noncash government benefits, accounts for taxes and essential expenses like medical care and work-related costs, and adjusts thresholds for regional differences in housing costs, senior poverty rose to 15% from 14.2% − and marked the highest poverty level among all age groups.”

Although these programs are not cost effective and are withdrawing funds from the Trust Fund, they are considered transfer payments because the money is spent at the local and state level which generates income and GDP growth in the economy. They are often referred to as entitlement programs because they were passed by Congress and have been in effect for 90 years (Social Security) and 60 years (Medicaid and Medicare) and revised and expanded over time.

Marshall Plan

In June 1947, Secretary of State George Marshall, announced the U.S. plan to give economic aid to Europe. The offer was made to all of Europe, including the U.S. wartime enemies and the communist countries of Eastern Europe. Sixteen European countries responded by cooperating on a plan that was accepted by the United States. The United States appropriated $13.6 billion (equivalent to $190 billion in 2026 money) was provided. By 1950, the economies of the participating countries returned to their prewar levels.

The Marshall Plan required the countries to stabilize their currency, reduce public spending, import goods from the United States and increase their exports to the United States. There were clear expectations that benefited the economy of the United States. The Marshall Plan established the U.S. as a dominant economic power, promoted open trade and prevented the return of economic depression. It was critical in forming NATO and a closer relationship between the United States and Europe.

Questions:

  1. Given the fact that the Great Society programs of Medicaid and Medicare are not cost effective and that the poverty rate for people over the age of 65 has increased, should the United States continue with these programs?
  2. What should the United States or the individual states do to lower the poverty rate among people over the age of 65?
  3. Does the United States have a legal (constitutional) or moral responsibility to provide supplemental or full health care for its citizens, legal residents, and/or undocumented immigrants?
  4. Was the Marshall Plan worth the investment by the United States?
  5. What factors contributed to the success of the Marshall Plan?
  6. Would a ‘Marshall Plan” to support the rebuilding of a sustainable infrastructure based on renewable energy be effective and accomplish similar outcomes within three to five years?

Tallying the Costs and Benefits of LBJ’s Great Society Programs (American Enterprise Institute)

Estimates of the Costs of Federal Credit Programs (Congressional Budget Office)

Kaiser Family Foundation Reports on Medicare-Medicaid Enrollment and Spending

Marshall Plan (1948) (National Archives)

Marshall Plan and U.S. Economic Dominance (EBSCO)

The Marshall Plan: Design, Accomplishments, and Significance (Congressional Research Service)

History of European Antisemitism

Institute for Curriculum Resources

This lesson plan on the History of European Antisemitism is a critical tool for social studies teachers, empowering students with the context and critical skills to analyze the evolution of deep-seated hatred. The lesson is indispensable for World History by demonstrating how the Holocaust was the result of centuries of cumulative antisemitism. Furthermore, it strengthens U.S. History curricula by providing the historical framework needed to study WWII and genocide.

Essential Questions

 
 
  • What is antisemitism? 
  • What are four historical forms of antisemitism?
  • How have these four forms of antisemitism been expressed throughout history?
  • How can these four forms of antisemitism be expressed in modern times?
  • What does modern antisemitism, or anti-Jew hate look like?

Learning Objectives

Students will be able to:

  • Define antisemitism.
  • Identify four forms of antisemitism (religious, economic, political, and racial) which are interconnected and have manifested in various ways over time.
  • Trace the evolution of antisemitism from pre-Christian to modern times.
  • Understand that anti-Jew hate evolves and manifests in ways that don’t fit into the historical forms.

Materials Needed

PRIMARY SOURCES

This slide deck contains the nine primary source examples below. The speaker notes on each slide explain the type of historical form of antisemitism the source represents, as well as offer guides for analysis of each source. Additional context and suggested use for them can be found in the lesson plan, beginning at Section 4.

  • SOURCE 1: Ecclesia And Synagoga, 1300 CE
  • SOURCE 2: (optional) Excerpt from Law of Theodosius II, 438 CE
  • SOURCE 3: German depiction of Blood Libel and Judensau, 15th century
  • SOURCE 4: (optional) Excerpt from Solomon bar Simson Chronicle, 1140
  • SOURCE 5 Excerpt from Henry Ford’s The International Jew, 1920
  • SOURCE 6: Political cartoon “Metamorphosis” from Simplicissmus, 1903
  • SOURCE 7: Excerpt from a letter written by Hitler to Adolf Geimlich, 1919
  • SOURCE 8: Magazine cover of the French publication “La Libre Parole,” 1893
  • SOURCE 9: Excerpt from speech by Senator Ellison DuRant Smith of South Carolina in support of the 1924 Federal Immigration Act

RESOURCES FOR TEACHERS

HANDOUTS

OPTIONAL ADDITIONAL ACTIVITIES ON ICS WEBSITE

Note on Lesson Content

  • This lesson contains information, images, and text that reveal the extensive discrimination that Jews have faced historically and continue to face in the modern world.
  • This information can be difficult; allow time to reflect and process.
  • The term “anti-Jew hate” is a synonym for antisemitism, and both terms are used throughout the lesson. Simply put, antisemitism is anti-Jew hate.
  • Education about history is key to learning from society’s past injustices and creating a more equitable society. By educating students about anti-Jew hate, we can help them understand the harmful effects of prejudice and encourage them to work towards creating a more tolerant and inclusive society.  Here are some specific reasons why we should teach students about antisemitism:
    • To raise awareness: Many students may not know what antisemitism is or how it manifests in our society. By teaching them about anti-Jew hate, teachers can help raise awareness and encourage students to recognize and challenge instances of antisemitism when they encounter them.To encourage critical thinking: Learning about antisemitism can help students develop critical thinking skills. They can analyze the historical and cultural contexts that have contributed to anti-Jew hate and evaluate the different and evolving ways that it manifests in our society.To promote empathy: Learning about anti-Jew hate can help students develop empathy for those who have experienced discrimination and prejudice. This can help students better understand the experiences of others and become more compassionate and tolerant individuals.
    • To prevent hate crimes: Antisemitism is a form of hate that can lead to violence and discrimination. By teaching students about it, teachers and students can help prevent hate crimes and create a safer and more inclusive community.

Lesson Plan

1.   INTRODUCTION

It’s important to learn about the wider context – the various historical events – which have influenced the evolution of antisemitism. 

The following points may be helpful as you introduce the topic:

  • Today, we will be learning about the history of European antisemitism, including its origins in the ancient Mediterranean world, its evolution through European history, and its manifestations in modern culture. Many people think that antisemitism started with Hitler and the Nazis. However, antisemitism goes back to ancient times.
    • Unfortunately, antisemitism continues today – both abroad and in the United States. In fact, there are sometimes incidents of antisemitism in countries with very few or no Jews.
    • Antisemitism is complex and has a number of forms. Antisemitism cannot be properly understood without understanding its religious roots, which is where this lesson begins.

Understanding lesson structure: The following content of the lesson plan is directly mirrored in the presentation deck, which is available on the website. As you are reviewing this lesson plan, please make sure you are referring to the Google Slides Deck for Classroom Presentation to familiarize yourself with the full content and its presentation.

2.            DEFINING THE TERM “ANTISEMITISM”

Before diving into the history of antisemitism, it’s important to first define the term and ensure that everyone has a clear understanding of what it means. You can begin by asking your students how they would define antisemitism. Then, ask them to consider their answers in light of the definition of antisemitism outlined below. You will find a slide with the definition in the Google Slides Deck for Classroom Presentation as well as the Antisemitism Glossary of Terms (PDF).

Definitions for antisemitism vary, but ultimately, they all come down to the same thing: Antisemitism is hatred, discrimination, fear, and prejudice against Jews based on stereotypes and myths that target their ethnicity, culture, religion, traditions, right to self-determination, or connection to the State of Israel.

The term Jew-hate can be used interchangeably with the word antisemitism, as they both mean the same thing.

To best communicate that antisemitism is a word for anti-Jew hate, ICS, along with the US Holocaust Memorial Museum, the Associated Press, and the New York Times all use the single-word spelling.

3.   ASSESS PRIOR KNOWLEDGE

Before jumping into the history of antisemitism, begin with what students may already know about this particular type of hatred. Choose one of the following activities to introduce the topic:
  • Option 1: Using the Prior Knowledge Handout, assess prior knowledge and particular areas of interest among students.
  • Option 2: More informally, have a brief class discussion around the topic. Some possible questions for starting the conversation can include the following questions. You may want to consider allowing your students time to process these questions in writing first, so that they feel more prepared to share their thoughts.
    • How long do you think anti-Jew hate has been around?
    • Where have you learned about antisemitism or past antisemitic events?
    • Why do you think it is important to learn about antisemitism?
    • What does it mean for a group of people to feel “othered”?
    • What do you know about how anti-Jew hate looks today?

Next, explain to your students that you’ll be exploring the history of this hatred. As you go through the presentation, students will see how and why the various stereotypes and myths developed. Understanding this history will also help students to identify antisemitism in their own world, especially as they see the modern examples in the closing activity.

Note:As you go through the Google Slides Deck for Classroom Presentation, you can have your students take notes using the graphic organizers. There are two versions of the organizer – one that has specific prompts to help students look out for key information, and the other is open-ended and allows students to jot down whatever notes they feel are most important.

4.   ANTISEMITISM’S ANCIENT ROOTS

Guiding Questions: Why were Jews seen as “other” in the Ancient world? What external factors contributed to furthering Jews’ status as “other”?
Share an overview of antisemitism’s ancient roots. The notes below, as well as additional content, are presented through correlating slides in the Google Slides Deck for Classroom Presentation. Please refer to the Antisemitism Glossary of Terms for additional definitions of the bolded words below.
  • Judaism originated in the Land of Israel around the 12th century BCE.
  • Judaism’s notion of monotheism was seen as a radical departure from the polytheistic beliefs that were prevalent in ancient times. This difference in belief, as well as distinct religious practices, often set Jews apart, leading them to be viewed as “other” in the societies in which they lived.
  • The destruction of the Second Jewish Temple and the creation of the Jewish Diaspora in 70 CE furthered the“othering” of Jews. Jews became viewed as outsiders, with their safety and well-being dependent on the tolerance of others.
  • Meanwhile, upon the Roman crucifixion of Jesus in 30 CE, Christianity began to spread. One of the ways that Christianity distinguished itself from Judaism was through the concept of replacement theology.
  • In 380 CE, Christianity became the official religion of Rome. In 438 CE, the Roman Empire codified anti-Jewish laws through the Theodosian Code, which established Christianity’s legal dominance over Judaism.
  • Even after the Roman empire dissolved in the 5th century, succeeding kingdoms and monarchs continued to use the anti-Jewish legal codes of the Roman Empire.

Share SOURCE 1: Ecclesia and Synagoga[1]

Context:

Tell students that this pair of figures personifies the Christian Church (Ecclesia) and Judaism (Synagoga). In the medieval period, they often appeared sculpted as large figures on either side of a church or cathedral entry, and still exist at some places like Notre Dame Cathedral in Paris. Use the “see-think-wonder” structure to have students analyze what these sculptures are communicating. Facilitation instructions for this primary source analysis discussion are included in the Google Slides Deck for Classroom Presentation.

Primary Source:

Step 1: SEE – What do you notice about the figures? Possible responses:

  • Young, attractive, adorned with a crown
  • Holding a chalice and cross-topped staff
  • Looking confidently forward
  • Blindfolded and drooping/hunched over a bit
  • Carrying a broken lance (possibly an allusion to the Holy Lance that stabbed Jesus) and the tablets of Jewish Law that may be slipping from her hand

Step 2: THINK – What do these details suggest? What message do you think these details communicate?

  • Elicit student ideas and guide students in their thinking to understand that this is a visual representation of replacement theology. Judaism is being portrayed as an obsolete or flawed religion that is “blind” to the “true” revelation of Christianity.

Step 3: WONDER – What questions do you have?

  • Students may wonder about the objects in their hands, or they may wonder about the difference in dress. These are great opportunities for further student inquiry.

Optional: Share SOURCE 2: Excerpt from Law of Theodosius II

Context:

The Theodosian Code, which codified anti-Jewish laws, was adopted in 438 CE, roughly 60 years after Christianity became the official religion of the Roman Empire. The following excerpt reveals some of its concrete prohibitions against Jews, as well as some of the attitudes that formed their basis.

Primary Source:

First, consider guiding a discussion allowing students to again share what they see – what stands out to them from this quote. Then, ask students to more specifically identify:

  • How are Jews being described/perceived by Roman law?
    • sly/untrustworthy
    • dangerous
  • Where do you see elements of a Christian theological view?
    • Jews being described as “enemies of the heavenly majesty,” and  “insult to our faith”
  • What are Jews prohibited from doing?
    • serving in public office, presiding in courts → in other words, having any kind of authority over Christians

Explain to students that the ancient origins of antisemitism laid the groundwork for the emergence and persistence of various forms of antisemitism throughout history. In the remainder of this lesson, we will explore four forms of antisemitism – religious, economic, political, and racial – and how they were expressed in the past. It’s important to note that, even though some forms developed earlier than others, there is often overlap or a combination of multiple forms.

5.   HISTORICAL FORM OF ANTISEMITISM: RELIGIOUS 

Guiding Questions: How did Christianity depict Jews as a threat? What are some historical examples of religious antisemitism?
The notes below, as well as additional content, are presented through correlating slides in the Google Slides Deck for Classroom Presentation. Please refer to the Antisemitism Glossary of Terms for additional definitions of the bolded words below.
●  By the early medieval period, Christianity had emerged as the dominant force in both daily and political European life. This power structure reinforced the belief that Christians were superior to Jews. Depicting Jews as a threat to the social order became central to European culture, as the following examples illustrate:
  • Jews were accused of deicide
    • The deicide charge was used to justify the murder and forced conversion of Jews during the Crusades (1096-1272)
    • Jews were seen as a threat to Christian purity
      • Jews were forced to wear identifying markers (such as yellow badges or special hats) to ensure that a Christian would not accidentally marry a Jew (1215)
      • Jews were forced to live in segregated areas known as ghettos and were excluded from all activities in mainstream society (13th century)
    • Jews were associated with the devil and evil
      • Jews were commonly depicted as having devilish features (e.g., horns, forked tail); Judensau (pronounced you-den-saw) became a category of art portraying Jews engaging in derogatory interactions with pigs
    • Jewish customs were seen as nefarious, for example, Christians claimed Jews used the blood of Christian children in baking matzah for Passover
      • The blood libel accusation resulted in the blame and killing of Jews when a Christian child would go missing

Share SOURCE 3: German depiction of Blood Libel and Judensau.

Context:

The artwork below from Medieval Germany displays several of the elements of religious antisemitism described above, including blood libel, Judensau, associations with the devil and evil, and Jews being forced to mark their identity through their clothing. Ask students to carefully examine the visual and describe the connections they make to religious antisemitism.

*Important Teacher Note – Content Warning: Please note that the visual content in this source contains more mature elements. Please consider if this is appropriate for the age group and setting in which you teach. Consider using the alternate image provided below.

Primary Source [3]:

Questions for students: How are Jews being depicted in the image? What harmful myth about Jews is represented? How does an image like this reinforce religious antisemitic views?

Possible Responses:

  • On top is an image of Simon of Trent, reinforcing the blood libel myth
  • Below, Jews are depicted as being engaged in disgusting and lewd actions with a pig (considered an unclean animal in Jewish tradition) – this represents the idea of Judensau:
    • A Jewish man is placing his mouth on a pig’s anus
    • A Jewish child is suckling from the pig
    • A Jewish man is riding backwards on the pig, alluding to his “backwards” nature in his rejection of Christianity
  • Both the Jews and the devil are wearing circular badges (one of the identifying markers that Jews were forced to wear in parts of Europe)

Alternate image option: [4]

Optional: Share SOURCE 4: Excerpt from Solomon bar Simson Chronicle[5].

Context:

By the 11th century, as a result of becoming a diaspora, Jews had settled across many regions of Europe and the Middle East. In 1096, Pope Urban II launched the First Crusade to regain the Holy Land from Muslim rule. Unfortunately, a number of Jewish communities lay en route to the Eastern Mediterranean and were attacked by the Crusaders. Many Christians viewed Jews negatively because they did not embrace Jesus. So, although the Crusaders set off to fight “enemy Muslims,” they quickly incorporated attacking “enemy Jews” as part of their mission. As the Crusaders made their way through France and Germany, they burned synagogues, forced conversions, brutally massacred Jews, and incited anti-Jewish riots.

The following excerpt is from a source known as the “Solomon bar Simson Chronicle.” The chronicle is a Jewish account of the First Crusade.

Primary Source:

First, consider guiding a discussion, allowing students to again share what they see – what stands out to them from this quote? Then, ask students to specifically discuss:

  • According to this quote, what did the Crusaders want to do to the Jews?
    • Kill them all (“exterminate them from among the nations”)
  • What religious antisemitic notions did the Crusaders use to justify their actions?
    • Deicide charge (“those whose forefathers murdered and crucified him for no reason”)
    • Jews being evil (“offspring of promiscuity”)

Optional: The graphic organizer gives students space to reflect after learning about each historical form of antisemitism. If time permits, give students a few moments to reflect, either through writing or discussion, about what they have learned in this part of the lesson.

Transition: Explain that the second form of antisemitism we will be discussing is economic antisemitism. The image of the “greedy Jew” may be the most enduring antisemitic stereotype of all. It is during the medieval period that economic antisemitism began to take on forms that are familiar to us today.

6.   HISTORICAL FORM OF ANTISEMITISM: ECONOMIC 

Guiding Questions: How did Jews first become associated with money/money lending? What are some historical examples of religious antisemitism?
The notes below, as well as additional content, are presented through correlating slides in the Google Slides Deck for Classroom Presentation. Please refer to the Antisemitism Glossary of Terms for additional definitions of the bolded words below.
●   Starting in the 11th century, many medieval European legal systems prohibited Jews from owning land, farming, or joining craft guilds. These legal systems were based on the types of legal codes from the Roman period, like the Theodosian Code, which were designed to limit Jews religiously and economically.
●   With few economic opportunities available, many Jews turned to marginalized occupations, such as tax/rent collecting and money lending on behalf of wealthier Christians. Many Christian lords would use Jews as middlemen to bypass the Christian religious prohibition on usury.
●   As a result, the Christian populace depended on Jewish moneylenders, which resulted in resentment and hostility towards Jewish debt collectors (rather than the rulers who were enacting the taxes or charging high interest in the first place).
●   Christian leadership exacerbated these tensions by positioning Jews as a scapegoat for the common person’s financial troubles. Though Jews were not the only ones involved in lending money at interest during the Middle Ages, eventually usury – and finance more generally – became identified as a “Jewish practice.”
●   This association between Jews and money became deeply entrenched in Western society to the point where it is now a Jewish stereotype.
o   Shylock – perhaps the most notorious Jewish moneylender – is a fictional character created by William Shakespeare. It’s important to note that Shakespeare debuted this play at a time when nearly no Jews were living in England – they had all been expelled 300 years earlier. However, the stereotype of the Jewish moneylender was so entrenched by this point that audiences didn’t need to have Jews around for the caricature to resonate.
o   Hundreds of years later, Henry Ford, founder of the Ford Motor Company, propagated virulently antisemitic notions about Jews in his newspaper The Dearborn Independent, in the 1920s, drawing on medieval tropes that described Jews as ruthless, money-hungry, and in control of the world’s finances. The antisemitic content that was published in Ford’s newspaper had a significant impact because of its vast readership, with articles being picked up by other news outlets across America. Consequently, Ford’s published works played a role in the rise of antisemitism in the United States.
Share SOURCE 5: Excerpt from The International Jew.

Context:

The following excerpt is an illustration of the ideas propagated by Henry Ford in his newspaper, The Dearborn Independent. He collected and published his articles in a book entitled The International Jew: The World’s Foremost Problem. The book became widely read, was translated into several languages, and served as a point of inspiration for later Nazi leadership.

Primary Source:

“Business is to [a Jew] a matter of goods and money, not of people. If you are in distress and suffering, the Jewish heart would have sympathy for you; but if your house were involved in the matter, you and your house would be two separate entities…the Jew would naturally find it difficult, in his theory of business, to humanize the house…he would say that it was only “business.” (June 5, 1920)[6]

Ask students:

●      How are Jews being portrayed in this quote?

o     Cruel, heartless, entirely driven by greed
o     Incapable of displaying “sympathy” or “humanizing” situations if money is involved

Optional: The graphic organizer gives students space to reflect after learning about each historical form of antisemitism. If time permits, give students a few moments to reflect, either through writing or discussion, about what they have learned in this part of the lesson.

Transition: Explain that the third form of antisemitism we will be unpacking is political antisemitism. To understand the roots of this kind of anti-Jewish thought, we need to go back to the French Revolution and the rise of the modern nation-state.

7.   HISTORICAL FORM OF ANTISEMITISM: POLITICAL

Guiding Questions: What is the “Jewish Question”? How did the political situation differ for the Jews of Western and Central Europe compared to the situation of those in Eastern Europe? How did the backlash to Jewish emancipation in Europe contribute to political antisemitism? What are some historical examples of political antisemitism?
The notes below, as well as additional content, are presented through correlating slides in the Google Slides Deck for Classroom Presentation. Please refer to the Antisemitism Glossary of Terms for additional definitions of the bolded words below.
  • In the late 1700s and 1800s, the cultural and political status of Jews in Western and Central Europe would begin to change.
  • The French Revolution created a new category of “citizen” that granted equal rights to everyone (at least in theory). However, some French people wondered whether Jews were capable of really being “French enough” to be entitled to political rights like other citizens of France. This became known as the “Jewish Question.
  • In the end, France decided to emancipate its Jewish population in 1791. However, in return, Jews were expected to make changes to various aspects of their cultural and communal life (e.g., stop using traditional Jewish names, refrain from using Hebrew/Yiddish in business transactions, keep their Jewishness private and out of the public sphere).
  • However, in Eastern Europe (where the majority of European Jews lived) the political situation was very different. Jews in Eastern Europe were not emancipated until 126 years later in 1917.
  • In Imperial Russia in the 19th and early 20th centuries:
    • Jews were only allowed to live in the so-called “Pale of Settlement.
    • Russian authorities encouraged antisemitic violence and riots known as pogroms.
  • By the mid-19th century in Western and Central Europe, objections to emancipation began to grow. Resentment and fear helped fuel the prejudices that would manifest into political antisemitism.
    • Resentment of perceived economic success among Jews fueled false notions that Jews were stealing jobs from Christians and were over-represented in important fields.
    • As Jews became politically active, they were viewed as proponents of radical/dangerous political views – those held by whatever the powers that be feared.
      • For example, because figures like Karl Marx and Leon Trotsky were of Jewish descent, this led people to closely associate Jews with communism (even though most Jews were not communists).
      • More broadly, however, there were widespread conspiracy theories throughout Europe about Jewish governmental and economic control, which hinged on small numbers of Jews in positions of power.
    • The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, published in Russia in 1905, is one of the most widely cited pieces of political antisemitism to this day.
  • Despite efforts to assimilate and become part of their host societies, Jews continued to stay connected to their own communities and retain aspects of their cultural identities. This led critics to believe that Jews were benefiting from emancipation while remaining a separate group – a group whose loyalty would always be questioned. Jews, therefore, continued to be perceived as “other” and as a threat to European society.

Share SOURCE 6: Political Cartoon – “Metamorphosis”

Context:

The following political cartoon, printed in 1903, comes from a German weekly satirical magazine called Simplicissimus. [7] Explain that metamorphosis means a thing/person changing from one thing to something completely different (such as a caterpillar becoming a butterfly). Then have students take a look at the image below.

Primary Source:

First, consider guiding a discussion allowing students to share what they see – what do they notice when first examining this cartoon? Then ask students more specifically:

  • What is going on in this cartoon?
    • A Jewish immigrant is transforming himself from a pauper into a well-respected and affluent member of society
  • What about the way the Jewish man is portrayed stays the same throughout the three pictures? What changes?
    • The exaggerated and distorted features remain (hooked nose)
    • The clothes are more expensive and modern
    • The items he holds become more valuable and modern
  • What is this cartoon implying about Jewish emancipation?
    • That a Jew will always be a Jew – an “other” – no matter how much he changes externally and tries to assimilate

Reinforce the point that many in European society opposed emancipation because their prejudice against Jews led them to interpret Jewish efforts to join society as being motivated by ill intent. Additionally, the reference to the Jewish nose is based on pseudo-scientific notions of Jews being an inferior race, which will be addressed in the final form of antisemitism outlined in this lesson plan.

Optional: The graphic organizer gives students space to reflect after learning about each historical form of antisemitism. If time permits, give students a few moments to reflect, either through writing or discussion, about what they have learned in this part of the lesson.

Transition: Explain to students that the last form of antisemitism you’re going to examine is called racialized antisemitism. While political antisemites fear a “Jewish” political agenda for “world domination”, racial antisemites claim that there is a Jewish agenda for “racial domination.”

8.   HISTORICAL FORM OF ANTISEMITISM: RACIAL

Guiding Questions: What term did Wilhelm Marr coin, and what did the term describe? How were the scientific concepts of natural selection and biological inheritance misappropriated by antisemites? What are some historical examples of racial antisemitism?
The notes below, as well as additional content, are presented through correlating slides in the Google Slides Deck for Classroom Presentation. Please refer to the Antisemitism Glossary of Terms for additional definitions of the bolded words below.
●     In 1859, Charles Darwin debuted his theory of evolution and natural selection. In 1865, Gregor Mendel introduced the concept of biological inheritance – the basis for what we now call genetics.
●     Racists and antisemites misappropriated these notions to support their beliefs in white superiority.
●     In 1879, German journalist Wilhelm Marr introduced the term “antisemitism” to describe his opposition to Jews as a supposed inferior “race” (please reference the Appendix for more information). Soon, Marr’s new term was being used throughout Europe.
●     Marr’s notion of Jews being an inferior race marked a dangerous turn. According to Marr, Jews were a problem because of innate and unchangeable biological differences.
●     Racial antisemitism was the primary manifestation of antisemitism in Nazi Germany.
●     According to Nazi racial theory, Jews constituted a biologically inferior race which was thought to corrupt the pure German-Aryan stock through “race-mixing” and intermarriage. It became extremely important to the Third Reich to distinguish between those with Jewish and “Aryan” ancestry.
●     In 1935, the Nazi government passed the Nuremberg Laws, which legally made Jewish Germans different from non-Jewish Germans. They restricted marriages and sexual relations between those deemed racially German and those with Jewish backgrounds. Under the Nuremberg Laws, only “Aryans” were allowed citizenship. Jews were stripped of citizenship and denied their political rights, and their passports invalidated.
●     Eventually, the Nazis passed more discriminatory laws that  forced Jews out of many professions, severely limited their movements, and required them to self-identify in public with the infamous yellow stars.
●      The Nazis made a great effort to define who was and was not racially acceptable. Their racialized understanding applied to: religious Jews, non-religious Jews, converts from Judaism to other religions, those who were not considered Jewish according to Jewish law but had some amount of Jewish ancestry. 

Share SOURCE 7: Excerpt from a letter written by Adolf Hitler to Adolf Geimlich.[8]

Context:

In the politically unsettled period after World War I, the Bavarian state government in Germany established a group on May 11, 1919, to keep an eye on political groups and to carry out “educational work” in order to combat revolutionary activities among disgruntled army veterans. Adolf Hitler joined the “Information Department” as a propaganda writer and informant and participated in education courses organized by the department. Because of his noted rhetorical gifts, Hitler was appointed as a lecturer. He was asked to respond to Adolf Gemlich, a course participant, on September 16, 1919, on the government’s position on the so-called “Jewish Question.” 

The letter is an early example of Hitler’s views on Jews before he became the leader of the National Socialist Democratic Party, also known as the Nazi Party, in 1921. The full letter builds on all of the types of antisemitism explored in this lesson. To analyze racial antisemitism, please examine the following excerpt with students:

Primary Source:

Then, discuss the following questions with students:

  • Where do you see racialized antisemitism expressed?
    • “thousand years of inbreeding”, “the Jew has preserved his race and character”, “non-German, foreign race, unwilling and unable to sacrifice its racial characteristics”
      • reveals the thought that Jews are a ‘foreign race’ with undesirable traits, and that they cannot be changed
    • “the feelings of the Jew are concerned with purely material things”
      • claims that the so-called greediness of Jews is in fact an inalterable racial characteristic
    • “his activities produce a racial tuberculosis”
      • Jews are described as causing disease in society – something malignant and insidious
  • What other types of antisemitism does Hitler express in this passage?
  • “possesses all the political rights that we ourselves have”
    • Disturbed that Jews have equal political rights – echoes the idea that Jews use political rights for nefarious gain
  • “the feelings of the Jew are concerned with purely material things”
    • ties in racialized perception of Jews with economic antisemitism

Share SOURCE 8: Speech by Ellison DuRant Smith”[9]

Context:

The Jewish immigrant population in the U.S. significantly grew between 1880-1924. Fears that immigrants posed a threat to the racial and cultural makeup of the U.S. led to efforts to keep Jews out. As a result, America created a new federal law that primarily aimed to exclude Eastern European Jews and Southern Italian Catholics from immigrating to the country: the 1924 Immigration Act. Many of the arguments put forward in support of the law, like this one, were explicitly racist. While the text does not name Jews specifically (aside from Son of a German Immigrant), it’s important to note that this is the kind of thinking that went along with racialized antisemitism – a belief in white superiority above ALL other “races”.

Primary Source:

Then, discuss the following questions with students:

  • How does DuRant Smith express racialized antisemitism?
    • That only true Americans should only come from “pure” Anglo-Saxon (meaning mostly English) families. They even want to “breed” more of these “pure” Americans.
    • This idea is part of a bigger way of thinking where people are judged and ranked based on their race. By saying what they think is the “right” race for America, they are automatically saying that other races are “wrong” or “less than.”
  • How do these ideas suggest a specific, and potentially harmful, vision for who should be considered truly “American” and how immigrants should be treated?
    • These ideas are harmful because they basically say that only people who are from a specific background (Anglo-Saxon) are truly American and valuable. Everyone else, especially immigrants, is seen as “less than” or a “problem” that needs to be changed.

Share SOURCE 9: Magazine cover of “La Libre Parole”[10]

As a final primary source analysis activity, ask students to look for the four forms of antisemitism they have learned about in a single source, which demonstrates the idea that these types of antisemitism are often interconnected and influence each other. Use the Library of Congress analysis method, “Observe, Reflect, Question,” to analyze the following magazine cover, which reflects many of the concepts from this lesson and can help students visually synthesize those ideas.

Context:

This magazine cover is from a French publication called La Libre Parole. It was printed on October 28, 1893 (just over 100 years after the emancipation of Jews in France).The editor and founder of this magazine was Edouard Drumont, who founded the Antisemitic League of France in 1889. Consider how this cover reflects antisemitic ideas held by parts of French society at the time.

Primary Source:

Step 1 – OBSERVE: Start by having students make observations, focusing on concrete details that they notice.

Observations may include: Tattered clothes, enlarged nose, animalistic/dehumanized features like claws, the money stuffed in his pockets and coming out of the world, he seems to be doing harm to the planet. He’s also in the dark – the sun is on the other side.

Step 2 – REFLECT: Next, ask students to reflect and use the prompt questions to help guide their thinking. What do the details suggest? What stereotypes are represented? In what ways are the four forms of antisemitism discussed in this lesson represented in this one image?

Reflections might include: If you recognize the stereotyped features, then we know this is a dehumanizing depiction of a Jew. Clearly, the illustrator believed that this man is harming the world in multiple ways. That he’s in the dark, along with the claw-like hands, suggests evil activity.

As for how the four types of antisemitism manifest in this image, here are some possible insights:

  • Political antisemitism. The figure appears to be maliciously grabbing onto the globe, eagerly climbing his way as far as he can go. This reflects a perceived threat of Jewish world domination.
  • Racialized stereotypes – the enlarged nose, the pointy beard, the beastly features – all exaggerated, and are reminiscent of the idea that Jews are less human and an inferior race trying to soil the purity of white Europeans.
  • Economic stereotype of the greedy Jew with money stuffed in his pockets echoes the idea that Jews perform harmful economic activities.
  • While not as overtly featured as the other forms of antisemitism, we can still see representations of religious antisemitism. First, there is the association between Jews and darkness, and therefore evil – a common trope in religious antisemitism. The man also covers his head, something that marks him as a religious Jew.

Step 3 – QUESTION: Finally, encourage students to ask additional questions to help further their learning. Possible questions might include: Why does the figure have exaggerated features? Why does he have on ragged clothes, while shown with an excessive amount of money in his pockets? Why is he illustrated as doing some sort of harm to the world?

Transition to Gallery Walk Activity: Explain to students that, like in the La Libre Parole image, the four forms of antisemitism continue to manifest in society, which will be demonstrated in the following activity. However, as important as it is to be able to recognize these influences, sometimes the way antisemitism is expressed in the current context does not fit neatly into the four historical forms. Today, we are seeing unprecedented levels of anti-Jew hate showing up in schools, sports, social media, and more, with the intent to hurt, intimidate, and marginalize Jews. In the following activity, we will refer to some examples as Evolving Anti-Jew Hate when they do not distinctly fit into the four categories we have learned about.

9.    GALLERY WALK ACTIVITY

This activity may be used as a final assignment or as a lesson wrap-up. Students will apply what they have learned through direct instruction in the lesson to modern examples of antisemitism, or anti-Jew hate, that they will analyze independently.

Objective

Through close examination of primary source documents and collaborative group work, this activity will enrich student understanding of how the four forms of antisemitism have manifested in the past as well as the present.

Materials: Modern Antisemitism Gallery Walk: instructions, sources, questions, student note-catcher (PDF)

Set Up

Display the primary sources around the classroom. These primary sources should be displayed “gallery style,” at different stations in a way that allows students to disperse themselves around the room. The primary sources can be arranged in any order. They can be hung on walls or placed on tables. The most important factor is that the stations are spread far enough apart to reduce significant crowding.

There are 14 stations for this activity, so you may want to divide the class into groups and assign each group two or three stations, depending on the number of students in the class. Of course, you may decide to use fewer primary sources, depending upon the amount of time you have to spend on this lesson or what content you want to emphasize.

Instructions

Explain to the students that they will participate in a “gallery walk activity.” Students will move around from station to station, like in a museum or art gallery. They will review the source at each station and answer a few questions per station.  Students should write their responses in the space provided on the Gallery Walk Note-Catcher (included in the PDF).

Alternative Gallery Walk Experience: Interactive Digital Gallery

Share a link to the Digital Version of the Modern Antisemitism Gallery Walk.

Then, instruct students to click on each image to interact with it by reading an example, answering a self-assessment question about the form of historical antisemitism shown, and considering discussion questions. Teachers can further assess understanding through class discussions or by collecting individual responses to provided prompts. Note that student responses entered on the slide identifying the historical form of antisemitism will not be available to the teacher.

10. CONCLUSION

Have students fill out the exit slip (PDF | Google Doc) or use the questions to hold a class discussion.


Appendix: Race vs. Ethnicity

The term ‘ethnicity’ falls short when describing Jewish identity. The more fitting, ancient term is Am (people). This category predates and differs from later social constructs like race, religion, and ethnicity, explaining why Jewish people don’t fit neatly into any of them.

However, to help students better understand how to define Jews as a group of people, it can be helpful to understand the difference between race and ethnicity, since Jews are often classified as an ethnic and/or a religious group, but NOT a race.

  • Ethnicity refers to a people’s shared cultural identity, often based on factors such as ancestry, language, religion, customs, and a sense of common history or heritage. It distinguishes one group of people from another based on these cultural characteristics.
  • The term race is often used to categorize and differentiate people based on physical traits such as skin color, facial features, and hair texture. However, it’s important to note that the concept of race is a social construct and not a scientifically valid biological category. All people are part of the human race.

It’s inaccurate to call Jews a race because they come from a wide variety of backgrounds and exhibit significant physical and visible diversity. This is why ethnicity is the preferred term to describe the Jewish people.


[1] Statues of Ecclesia and Synogoga in Freiburg Germany Cathedral Entrance, c. 1300

[2] A Law of Theodosius II, January 31, 439, Novella III: Concerning Jews, Samaritans, Heretics, and Pagans can be found at https://faculty.uml.edu/ethan_spanier/Teaching/documents/TheCodexTheodosianus.pdf

[3] The Jews in Christian Art: An Illustrated History (New York: Continuum, 1996), 337.

[4] Source: Wikipedia commons, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Judensau#/media/File:Wimpfen-stiftskirche-judens.jpg

[5] Source: Shlomo Eidelberg, The Jews and the Crusaders: The Hebrew Chronicles of the First and Second Crusades (Madison, WI: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1977), pg. 22.

[6] The Dearborn Independent, Issue June 5, 1920, pg. 23 https://archive.org/details/the-international-jew-henry-ford/page/n21/mode/2up

[7] Harris, Constance. The Way Jews Lived: Five Hundred Years of Printed Words and Images. McFarland, 2008. p. 335.

[8] Source of English translation: Jeremy Noakes and Geoffrey Pridham, eds., Nazism 1919-1945, Vol. 1, The Rise to Power 1919-1934. Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1998, pp. 12-14.

[9] Speech by Ellison DuRant Smith, April 9, 1924, Congressional Record, 68th Congress, 1st Session (Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1924), vol. 65, 5961–5962. https://shec.ashp.cuny.edu/items/show/1249

[10] Source:“Leur Patrie, (Their Homeland) La Libre Parole illustrée, No. 16, 28 October 1893 , Duke Library Exhibits, accessed July 8, 2013, http://exhibits.library.duke.edu/items/show/20981

Book Review: Aztecs, Moors, and Christians: Festivals of Reconquest in Mexico and Spain, by Max Harris. Reviewed by Thomas Hansen, Ph.D.

            Max Harris gives us a thorough recounting of several interesting local festivals—some of which are still in existence—that show the influence of the Moors on Spain and the efforts of the Christians to rid the country of their dominance.  Harris also shows us how parallel festivals have existed for hundreds of years in Mexico—with similar themes and players.

Although the native peoples of Mexico already had their own festivals, some of which were connected strongly to war and invasion, with the advent of the Spaniards came additional festivals focusing on the dangerous Moors, in some cases the Turks, and in some other cases unknown invaders.  Harris gives us several different time periods of festivals to consider here.

 Harris first tells of the importance of understanding the Moorish influence on Spanish culture and how it had to be fought back.  He gives us one chapter each on beheadings of the Moors and on understanding the importance of the masks in the festivals.  The more gruesome and bizarre the masks, the more frenzied the spectators watching the parading Moors and the zealous Christians who rout them.

Without giving all the content of the book away, I will say that the author paints very vivid descriptions of the masks, weapons, decorations, dances, music, chants, and cheering indeed.  Each locale has its own flavor of festival, and the events are celebrated with great gusto in each case.  The author does a very good job of explaining possible origins of some of the stranger customs and decorations, in addition to give giving a strong cultural and historical framework for all the events.  Harris beings a great deal of expertise to this discussion.

Harris divides his content on the rest of the festivals this way: Spain 1150-1521; Mexico 1320-1521; Mexico 1521-1600; and Spain 1521-1600.  The author has an obvious in-depth knowledge of Spanish, Mexican, and native peoples and their customs and beliefs.  He also shows a facility for other languages and this helps him explain the festivals, in some cases adding possible origins of some of the events, traditions, and decorations being used.

Teachers of social studies will profit from using this text as background reading for units on religion, culture, and interaction among peoples from different continents.  There are also clear uses for this book in history units, geography units, and world language projects for more advanced students.  It is also perhaps interesting personal reading for teachers and administrators with an interest in history, Latino culture, and related topics. 

I recommend the book for those uses and also as interesting reading for professional development discussions for teachers of social studies and other subjects.  Harris provides a very thorough picture of several festivals in both Mexico and Spain.  Certainly units and lessons on those countries can be based on information in this book.

The discussion of the Moors as “dangerous other” threatening other cultures is timely right now, given the fears of Muslim persons harbored by some persons who do not have a complete understanding of the religion and who have heard only parts of what has been happening in world events involving a very small number of Muslims.  The fear of diverse people and different religions and customs is an important force to be understood in social studies lessons and units.      

Curriculum on “The Arab-Israeli Conflict”

Chloe Daikh was a volunteer at a refugee camp in Palestine, served as an AmeriCorps VISTA College Access & Success Coordinator, and taught at a boarding school in Virginia. Following this article is the Institute for Curriculum Services (ICS) description of the grade 6-12 lessons and links to its resources. The package for “Teaching the History of the Arab-Israeli Conflict” includes lesson plans, a slide deck, learning objectives, essential questions for students to address, primary sources, and links to recommended videos (https://icsresources.org/curriculum/the-arab-israeli-conflict/). Some of the ICS documents are included along with comments on the article and the ICS curriculum by local teachers.

Since Hamas’s attack on October 7, 2023, there has been an increased interest in helping K-12 students understand the historical background and context of the current violence in Israel/Palestine that has now escalated to a war in Lebanon and the possibility of a regional war involving Syria, Yemen, and Iran. On October 20, 2023, The Office of the Texas Governor encouraged schools to use a list of resources shared by the Texas Education Agency “to increase awareness and understanding of the Israel-Hamas war and root causes of conflict in the region” (Office of the Texas Governor, Greg Abbott, 2023). First in a list of four resources hyperlinked to the press release is a document from the Institute of Curriculum Studies (ICS) titled “Support for Classroom Discussion on the Hamas-Israel War,” which in turn includes a link to ICS’s curriculum, “Teaching the History of the Arab-Israeli Conflict Using Primary Sources.”

The Institute for Curriculum Services (ICS) is not new to teacher training. Founded in 2005, their website states that 18,000 teachers have engaged in their workshops, and that all 50 states and D.C. are represented within ICS’s pool of participants. The reach of ICS’s influence in secondary school instruction is further facilitated through cooperation with the National Council of Social Studies and many of their state affiliates and local districts, including New York Department of Education; North Carolina Department of Public Instruction; Iowa Department of Education, among many others (ICS, 2024). ICS published its “Teaching the History of the Arab Israeli Conflict Using Primary Sources” in 2022 and has promoted the curriculum as an effective tool for teachers to help students understand the history of the conflict. In addition to the curriculum, which is accessible for free online and includes worksheets and graphic organizers for students (2022a), ICS offers workshops, both online and in-person in collaboration with public school districts across the country (2024). However, key aspects of ICS’s curriculum are misaligned with standards for the study of history and geography and are not conducive to helping students understand the root causes of Hamas’s attack on October 7, 2023, nor Israel’s widely condemned response. This curriculum, by providing students with insufficient context and inaccurate information, primes students to uncritically condone and support Israel’s ongoing settler colonial violence and dispossession, and contributes to the dissemination of racist, Islamophobic tropes.

By using standard curriculum formatting and creating materials and activities that can be easily implemented for class instruction, ICS’s curriculum looks like a credible curriculum, and thus may seem like a legitimate tool for teaching about Israel/Palestine. ICS claims that their curriculum is “guided by, and…in alignment with, state and national standards” (ICS, 2018b). The organization points to the Frameworks in the C3 Framework for Social Studies as supposed guiding principles for the creation of their curricular resources, “with a particular focus on Dimension 2: History and “Dimension 3: Evaluating Sources and Using Evidence” (ICS, 2018b).The National Council for the Social Studies states that the C3 Framework was developed “for states to upgrade their state social studies standards” and “for practitioners…to strengthen their social studies programs” (2013). ICS claims to specifically and particularly align with two Dimensions within the framework: “History” and “Evaluating Sources and Using Evidence” (ICS 2018b). While ICS does not claim to address “Geography,” its substantial use of (political) maps requires attention to the desired learning outcomes of that Dimension as well. An analysis of the ICS curriculum compared to the learning outcomes outlined in the C3 Framework demonstrates the curriculum’s failure to meet standards for social studies education. This article will highlight specific ways in which the ICS curriculum is misaligned with the C3 Framework’s learning outcomes, and will include resources that, had they been included in the curriculum, would meet the expressed skills standards and learning outcomes. The C3 Framework includes learning outcomes which are used as a basis of the critique of ICS’s curriculum.

C3 Framework Learning Outcomes (achieved by end of Grade 12) (National Council for Social Studies, 2013, pp. 42-49) Dimension 1: History Change, Continuity, and Context “Use questions generated about individuals and groups to assess how the significance of their actions changes over time and is shaped by the historical context.” Perspectives “Analyze complex and interacting factors that influenced the perspectives of people during historical eras.” “Analyze how historical contexts shaped and continue to shape people’s perspectives.” Historical Sources and Evidence “Analyze the relationship between historical sources and the secondary interpretations made from them.” “Critique the usefulness of historical sources for a specific historical inquiry based on their maker, date, place or origin, intended audience, and purpose” “Use questions generated about multiple historical sources to pursue further inquiry and investigate additional sources.” “Critique the appropriateness of the historical sources used in a secondary interpretation.” Causation and Argumentation “Analyze multiple and complex causes and effects of events in the past.” “Distinguish between long-term causes and triggering events in developing a historical argument.” “Integrate evidence from multiple relevant historical sources and interpretations into a reasoned argument about the past” “Critique the central argument in secondary works of history on related topics in multiple media in terms of their historical accuracy.”   Dimension 2: Geography  Human-Environment Interaction “Evaluate how political and economic decisions through time have influenced cultural and environmental characteristics of various places and regions.” Evaluate the impact of human settlement activities on the environmental and cultural characteristics of specific places and regions.”   Human Population “Evaluate the impact of economic activities and political decisions on spatial patterns within and among urban, suburban, and rural regions.”   Dimension 3: Evaluating Sources & Using Evidence Gathering and Evaluating Sources “Gather relevant information from multiple sources representing a wide range of views while using the origin, authority, structure, context, and corroborative value of the source to guide the selection.”  

ICS’s selection and framing of primary source material is misaligned with several learning outcomes outlined within the C3 Framework’s Dimension 2: History. ICS limits the sources provided to official governmental and intragovernmental documents and fails to provide citations for the background information that frames each of the sources and provides the overarching narrative of the curriculum. In this way, ICS fails to provide students with the opportunity to adequately strengthen skills pertaining to the study of history. Furthermore, through their narrow selection of sources, ICS fails to model the effective evaluation of sources and use of evidence for students, as outlined in Dimension 3 of the C3 Framework.

Through its failure to adequately address skills mandates as outlined in the C3 Framework, ICS dangerously misrepresents the historical context and multiple perspectives that are necessary for helping students understand the context of Hamas’s October 7 attack. In order for ICS to meet those standards, it would need to include significantly more primary sources and provide more accurate context. The ICS curriculum implies that Zionist settlers accepted Palestinians as deserving of national sovereignty in their own right and that it was solely Palestinians who rejected Jewish neighbors, beginning with the UN Partition Plan of 1947 (ICS, 2018a). The curriculum emphasizes this implication by providing inaccurate and incomplete information, insufficient, misleading and oversimplified context, and a single perspective of events. Furthermore, it is not grounded in the skills or learning outcomes outlined within the C3 framework, to which ICS claims to adhere.

ICS provides inaccurate and incomplete information within the curriculum, particularly when it comes to the perspectives and experiences of Palestinians. Two serious issues that contribute to this lack of accurate and complete information are the lack of Palestinian-authored sources. Only one source written by a Palestinian is included in the entire curriculum–the Declaration of the State of Palestine (1988), in the final lesson (2022f). The Palestinians are only represented in the curriculum long after decades of representing themselves under the British Mandate. In this way, the designers of the ICS curriculum de-historicize and choose to frame Palestinian “nationalist aspirations” in a document that is comparable to the Israeli Declaration of Independence included in Lesson 4 (2022e). This factually inaccurate portrayal of the inception of the First Intifada misrepresents the most important aspects of the Intifada; namely, that it was a largely nonviolent series of protests and economic boycotts of Israel that were predominantly organized by women, eventually involved the support of Israeli peace organizations and was as much of a surprise to the PLO as it was to the Israeli occupation (Bacha, 2017).

To address the lack of Palestinian perspectives within the curriculum, primary sources that deal with the Palestinian experience of the Nakba should be included to provide an insight into the Palestinian perspective of the 1948 war, particularly given that the Nakba is widely viewed as ongoing to the present day in the context of continued settlement expansion. The Nakba Archive (2002) is a collection of oral history testimony from Palestinian refugees living in Lebanon and provides valuable context for both the Declaration of the Establishment of Israel document and the Arab League Declaration on the Invasion of Palestine, which is the second primary source included in ICS’s Lesson 4 (2022e). Additional incorporation of photographs or videos from the UNRWA Film & Photo Archive, which provides audio and visual documentation of Palestinian refugees since 1948 would provide additional insight into the lived experience of Palestinians during the Nakba and counter the lack of visual representation of Palestinians within the curriculum (UNRWA, 2016).

The inclusion of a wider variety of primary sources such as film, photographs, and posters would provide students with a more accurate representation of the First Intifada and would align with the C3 Framework’s stated learning outcomes. It would also provide insight into the rise of more violent tactics employed by Palestinians since the Second Intifada that would better contextualize the Hamas attack on October 7. ICS states, in framing the First Intifada at the beginning of Lesson 5, that “Palestinians attacked Israelis with improvised weapons and firearms supplied by the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), which organized much of the uprising” (2022f). This factually inaccurate portrayal of the inception of the First Intifada misrepresents the most important aspects of the Intifada. By inaccurately portraying the First Intifada, ICS legitimizes Israel’s violent response to the uprising and lacks context that would help students understand the cause-and-effect relationship between Israeli military and settler violence and the use of violent tactics by some members and groups of the Palestinian resistance.

Building on the issues that stem from the lack of accurate and complete information, the lack of sufficient context further strengthens ICS’s implication that Palestinians have only been antagonistic aggressors to Israel and their Jewish neighbors. In Lesson 1 of the curriculum (2022b), the excerpt from Theodor Herzl’s “The Jewish State” (1896) lacks contextualization regarding the existing Palestinian population and their historical ties to the land ignoring the settler colonial nature of Zionism and its impact on the indigenous population of Palestine (ICS, 2022b). In Lesson 3, there is a major gap in source material from May 1948 to June 1967 (ICS, 2022d). This gap leads to a total lack of context for the inception of the 1967 war, as well as the experience of Palestinians in the years between 1948 and 1967. This lack of context makes it impossible for students to investigate Palestinian perspectives and understand cause-and-effect relationships between historical events.

The excerpt from “The Jewish State” highlights Herzl’s concerns about antisemitism across Europe, proposing the establishment of a Jewish state as a solution. The document reflects the persecution faced by Jews in Europe and their quest for a sovereign homeland. However, the document lacks contextualization regarding the existing Palestinian population and their historical ties to the land ignoring the settler colonial nature of Zionism and its impact on the indigenous population of Palestine (see Table 1 2a & 6a). It also omits Herzl’s recognition of the need for support from the Great Powers for the successful establishment of a Jewish state.

The gap in source material and information on events that occurred between May 14/15, 1948 and the June 1967 war conveys an inaccurate and incomplete depiction of the experience of Palestinians in the months and years after the creation of the state of Israel. This erasure functions in service of the curriculum’s portrayal of Palestinians as exclusively antagonistic and unwilling participants in peacebuilding. Of course, the entirety of “The Jewish State” (Herzl, 1896) is too long of a document to present to 6th-12th grade students, the target audience of ICS’s curriculum; however, the excerpt excludes text that highlights important context for the document (see Table 1 2b & 3d). An aspect of early Zionism that is also apparent in Herzl’s text but excluded from ICS’s excerpt is that multiple locations were considered for the Jewish state. Herzl highlights Palestine and Argentina (Argentine in the text). The selection of Palestine or Argentina for the Jewish state would be left to the Powers and Jewish consensus, “we shall take what is given us, and what is selected by Jewish public opinion” (American Zionist Emergency Council, 1946). Herzl mentions “the present possessors of the land” in reference to either or both Palestinians and Argentinians already living in areas proposed for the Jewish state, demonstrating his awareness that there were people living in both areas prior to Zionist colonization. By adding a few sentences to the excerpt, ICS could better contextualize the document regarding the existing Palestinian population, the settler colonial nature of Zionism, and the role of European imperialism’s support for the foundation of the Jewish state. Palestinian nationalism shifted away from “Arab/Ottoman” to “Palestinian/Arab” in the context of “watershed events” that included the British control of Palestine and the Balfour Declaration (Khalidi, 1997/2010). The ICS curriculum frames nationalism as only legitimately developing pre-World War I, which severely misrepresents the historical contexts in which Palestinian nationalism developed (see 1a, 4a & 4b). Herzl expresses the need for Great Power intervention for the Zionist project to be reified: “Should the Powers declare themselves willing to admit our sovereignty over a neutral piece of land, then the [Jewish] Society will enter into negotiations for the possession of this land” (American Zionist Emergency Council, 1946). Herzl further elaborates on the necessity of Great Power subscription to the Zionist project, “The Society of Jews… [will put] itself under the protectorate of the European Powers.” Herzl’s document demonstrates an amenability to the colonial mandate system that eventually came into effect after the ratification of the Covenant of the League of Nations in 1922.

Another useful addition to the collection of primary sources that would provide much-needed context for the time during May 1948 and June 1967 are the UN General Assembly Resolution 194 (1948) and UN Security Council Resolution 242 (1967). UN General Assembly Resolution 194 Article III (1948) codifies the right of return for Palestinian refugees who wish “to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbors” and “that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return and for loss of or damage to property.” UN Resolution Security Council 242 (1967) of the “withdrawal of Israel armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict,” i.e. the 1967 war. and reaffirms the importance of “a just settlement of the refugee problem.” The Israeli unwillingness to honor this right of return coupled with the continuous expansion of settlements since 1967 and continued occupation of the West Bank (and Golan Heights) are major obstacles to peace that are completely ignored by the ICS curriculum.

The ICS curriculum privileges Great Power perspectives, from which Zionism as a political project was birthed, without providing sufficient information on their imperial context. This serves to legitimize the Great Power intervention in the region beginning after World War I, and the expansion of Israeli settlements since 1967, without providing sufficient information to nuance or question this perspective.

By relying heavily on primary source documents that advance only the Great Power colonial perspective such as the Balfour Declaration, Sykes-Picot Agreement, and Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations, ICS’s curriculum presents the colonial project and interventions advanced by the authors of these documents as legitimate, without giving students the resources or information to question the right or authority of the Great Powers to undermine the sovereignty of people living within the region following the end of World War I. This legitimization of the Great Power’s imperial project in the region after World War I contributes to the portrayal of Palestinians as antagonistic and unwilling to work towards a peaceful resolution to the conflict.

Additionally, the curriculum developers’ decision to use only political maps (themselves crafted by ICS) that do not align with internationally recognized borders and disputed territories, rather than demographic and land use maps, fail to provide information that is essential to understanding Palestinians’ perspectives. ICS’s curriculum completely ignores the expansion of settlements in the West Bank, confiscation of land, demolition of homes, and displacement of civilians, avoiding any discussion of numerous UN resolutions and United States foreign policy over time. By depicting political boundaries that have resulted from military occupation as if they were incontrovertible facts, the maps erase the issue of territorial annexations that have not been recognized under international law. The illegal settlements in the West Bank are legitimized in the video at the beginning of Lesson 4 (ICS, 2019). They are described as “in locations chosen for their strategic security value,” though there is no explanation of what that “value” might be. The video further states that “the number of settlements remained sparse until the late 1970s. They would become a major issue in later negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians.” The illegal settlements and settlement expansion are not mentioned again in the curriculum, despite the fact that settlement expansion and settler violence, along with the right of return for Palestinian refugees, are two of the primary concerns in negotiations with Israelis. Furthermore, settlements have been deemed illegal in successive judgements in institutions of international law, human rights and justice (Amnesty International, 2019).

A primary source that would provide useful insight into the perspectives of people living within Palestine contemporaneous with the other sources included by ICS is the Resolution of the General Syrian Congress at Damascus, which was ratified on July 2, 1919. The congress was composed of members from all regions of Ottoman Greater Syria who described themselves as “provided with credentials and authorizations by the inhabitants of our various districts, Moslems, Christians, and Jews” (1919). The resolution provides important insight into how Arab nationalism was shifting as a result of the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire. Of the ten points included in the resolution, five include important context for several of the primary sources included in ICS’s curriculum, namely the Sykes-Picot Agreement, the Covenant of the League of Nations, the British Mandate for Palestine, the Balfour Declaration, and the Faisal-Weizmann Agreement. Point three is a protest against Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations; the Congress unanimously rejected the institution of a mandate. Point six addresses the issue of Zionism. It states, “We oppose the pretensions of the Zionists to create a Jewish commonwealth in the southern part of Syria, known as Palestine” and that “our Jewish compatriots shall enjoy our common rights and assume the common responsibilities.” The Congress was not opposed to the millennia-long presence of Jewish people in the land of Greater Syria, but soundly opposed to the Zionist settler colonial project, an important distinction left out of the ICS curriculum. Point eight of the resolution rejects the separation of Greater Syria into Lebanon, Syria, and Palestine, as was outlined in the Sykes-Picot agreement. Finally, point ten calls for the annulment of “these conventions and agreements” whose aim is establishment of a Zionist state in Palestine in light of “President Wilson’s condemnation of secret treaties,” seemingly a direct response to both the Sykes-Picot Agreement and the Balfour Declaration.

The inclusion of demographic and land-use maps would provide needed information to contextualize Palestinian resistance, particularly to settlement expansion since 1967. Alex McDonald of the Texas Coalition for Human Rights, in a video lesson titled “Letting Maps Tell the Story” (2020), is a valuable resource for educators seeking to help students employ geographic studies skills to examine the geopolitical context of the conflict. Additionally, the inclusion of UN Resolution 2334 (2016) would provide useful information on the ways in which Israel’s settlement expansion continues to make a two-state solution unviable. This would provide students valuable information on the Palestinian perspectives of Israel’s policy of expansion, and additional context for discussing causes and effects. The ICS curriculum developers chose to use only politically contested maps, rather than the very demographic and land use maps that would illuminate the situation under the Mandate before 1948, and which indeed formed the basis for the UN Partition Plan. For the period after 1948, land use, demographic information, and water resource maps would better align with the C3 Framework and provide context for discussing causes and effects.

Not only is the curriculum misaligned with standards for skill development in history and social studies, but it also fails in its expressed objectives. The stated goal of ICS’s curriculum, entitled “Teaching the Arab-Israeli Conflict” is that “students will become more knowledgeable global citizens and gain confidence in following current world issues” (2022a). Under the FAQ section of the ICS website, under the drop-down menu titled “What is ICS’s commitment to accuracy and balance?” the organization states that “accuracy is a value in itself. At a time when public discourse in America is becoming less committed to accuracy and facts, we think it is all the more important that we study historical documents and ground our understanding of history in them” (2018b). ICS’s curriculum, by providing students with insufficient context and inaccurate information across all five lessons, primes students to uncritically condone and support Israel’s ongoing settler colonial violence and dispossession rather than helping them become “more informed global citizens” (2022a). It fails to meet both its own professed goals and standards for social studies education and skills acquisition. This curriculum prevents students from engaging with the full historical context of the current situation and implicitly claims that the exclusion and erasure of Palestinian voices is an acceptable form of “accuracy.”

American Zionist Emergency Council. (1946). Texts Concerning Zionism: “The Jewish

State” by Theodor Herzl (1896). Jewish Virtual Library. Retrieved November 14, 2024, from https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/quot-the-jewish-state-quot-theodor-herzl

Amnesty International. Chapter 3: Israeli Settlements and International Law. (2019,

January 30). Amnesty Retrieved on November 14, 2024 from https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/campaigns/2019/01/chapter-3-israeli-settlements-and-international-law/.

Archive. (2002). Nakba Archive. Retrieved November 14, 2024, from https://www.nakba-archive.org/#

Bacha, J. (Director). (2017, November 12). Naila and the Uprising [Film]. JustVision. Retrieved November 14, 2024, from https://justvision.org/nailaandtheuprising

General Syrian Congress (1919 July 2). The resolution of the General Syrian Congress at Damascus proclaims Arab sovereignty over greater Syria (July 2, 1919). In A.F. Khater (Ed.), Sources in the History of the Modern Middle East, 2nd edition (2011) (pp. 158-160). Wadsworth Cengage Learning. 

Institute for Curriculum Services. (2018a, June 4). ICS Episode 3: A place to belong. Vimeo. Retrieved November 14, 2024, from https://vimeo.com/273382658

Institute for Curriculum Services (2018b, June 27). About Us. Retrieved November 14, 2024, from https://icsresources.org/about-us/#faqs

Institute for Curriculum Services. (2019, September 9). ICS Episode 4: War and Peace. Vimeo. Retrieved November 14, 2024, from https://vimeo.com/358927133.

Institute for Curriculum Services. (2022a, February 23). Teaching the Arab-Israeli Conflict. Retrieved November 14, 2024, from https://icsresources.org/curriculum/the-arab-israeli-conflict/

Institute for Curriculum Services. (2022b, February 23). Lesson 1: Zionism and Arab Nationalism. Retrieved November 14, 2024, from https://icsresources.org/wp-content/uploads/ICS_Lesson1_Zionism.pdf

Institute for Curriculum Services. (2022c, February 23). Lesson 2: Broken Promises.

Retrieved November 14, 2024, from https://icsresources.org/wp-content/uploads/ICS_Lesson2_BrokenPromises.pdf

Institute for Curriculum Services. (2022d, February 23). Lesson 3: The British Mandate

Era. Retrieved November 14, 2024, from https://icsresources.org/wp-content/uploads/ICS_Lesson3_The-Mandate.pdf

Institute for Curriculum Services. (2022e, February 23). Lesson 4: From 1948 to the

Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty. Retrieved November 14, 2024, from https://icsresources.org/wp-content/uploads/ICS_Lesson4_1948to1979.pdf

Institute for Curriculum Services. (2022f, February 23). Lesson 5: The Continuing Arab-

Israeli Conflict & Peace Process. Retrieved November 14, 2024, from https://icsresources.org/wp-content/uploads/ICS_Lesson5_ContinuingConflict.pdf

Given the often-contentious nature of the subject discussed in the article above, editors for Teaching Social Studies solicited comments from teachers and preservice educators. Those responses are below.

Alysse Ginsburg, Uniondale (NY) High School: I am a 12th grade history teacher with 25 years of classroom teaching experience. The editors asked me to respond to this essay in 250-500 words. Of course, I can’t possibly respond thoughtfully or comprehensively to a 5,000 word essay in the allotted space, but I do have a few thoughts to share. Prior to reading the essay, I had not used ICS materials in my classroom. A colleague with experience using them had good things to say, so I investigated further. As a history teacher, I believe it is important to carefully examine the sources of content I might bring into my classroom to be sure they are accurate and align with standards and best practices. Here are a few things I concluded about ICS’s lessons:

  • The lessons on the Arab-Israeli conflict align well with both the New York Social Studies Framework and New Jersey’s Learning Standards for Social Studies (which are similar to the C3 Framework).
  • ICS’s lessons rely on primary sources representing different parties. For example, in the lesson on Jewish and Arab nationalism, I noticed the inclusion of primary sources from a mainstream Zionist thinker and a mainstream Arab nationalist thinker and documents from both the first Zionist Congress and the first Arab Congress. The number of sources provided seemed balanced and appropriate for the available time a teacher would have to teach the lesson.
  • ICS has been around for almost 20 years and has professional development partners in many state and local education agencies; 21,000 teachers have elected to participate in ICS programs; and ICS is a Library of Congress Teaching with Primary Sources Consortium Member.

I was honestly reluctant to submit this response without knowing even more, so I had a call with ICS and asked them to address some of the author’s comments directly. In addition to patiently answering my questions, they said they looked forward to seeing the essay (and even speaking to the writer) so they could understand her concerns and consider improvements, as they often do with teacher input. For example, they told me that they recently updated one of their PD sessions to further clarify the specific reasons why Palestinians and Arabs were opposed to the United Nations Partition plan. I’m an educator who believes in a growth mindset, so this pleased me. Though I had very limited space and time to respond to the essay, I was impressed by what I saw and heard from ICS, and I encourage you to look at their lessons and materials and judge for yourself. My main critique, which I told them, was that they should modify their materials for students at different reading levels. They said they were working on it. 

Dianne Pari, former social studies chair, Floral Park (NY) High School: As an educator with experience as a social studies teacher, department chairperson, and currently a supervisor of student teachers, I have observed a growing hesitation among today’s teachers to address the Arab-Israeli conflict in the classroom. Many shy away from student questions about the current situation. Why? There are many complex reasons, but it cannot be overlooked that in today’s politically charged climate, even the most neutral or fact-based responses can be misconstrued, criticized, or politicized. There have been cases where educators have faced backlash from parents and school administrations simply for presenting information that challenges students’ or families’ existing beliefs or biases.

This makes it imperative that curriculum materials on this topic are balanced, historically accurate, and free of bias. I support Chloe Daikh’s assertion that the ICS curriculum on “The Arab-Israeli Conflict” lacks this balance, particularly in its limited inclusion of Palestinian voices and perspectives. Such omissions can unintentionally perpetuate a one-sided narrative, portraying Palestinians predominantly as aggressors and Israelis solely as defenders for example. The Daikh article provides a detailed evaluation of the ICS curriculum, and I agree with her conclusions. Unfortunately, she, nor the ISC, touch upon the issue I raised earlier, that teaching the Arab-Israeli Conflict is so polarizing today, that it is often being avoided altogether.

If I were teaching this topic today, I would begin with two foundational lessons to establish historical context, especially of previous conflicts, and then transition to an analysis of the ongoing Israel-Hamas war. To ensure a broad and balanced understanding, I would incorporate a range of news sources, including major American outlets and international media such as Al Jazeera that offer valuable resources for classroom discussion. Online, Al Jazeera provides “Israel-Gaza War in Maps and Charts: Live Tracker” (https://www.aljazeera.com/news/longform/2023/10/9/israel-hamas-war-in-maps-and-charts-live-tracker).

Students must be provided with balanced, credible, and comprehensive resources that foster critical thinking and informed discussion—especially when addressing complex and emotionally charged global issues such as this one and more importantly, teachers must be supported by school administrators when their lessons are challenged.

John Staudt, The Wheatly School, East Williston, NY: As a teacher and a historian, I largely agree with Chole Daihk’s analysis of the Institute for Curriculum Services (ICS) curriculum on “The Arab-Israeli Conflict.” There are several significant methodological and historiographical shortcomings, including biases that teachers should explore with students when teaching controversial topics. 

The ICS prioritizes using state-centric sources while overlooking everyday experiences of the people most impacted by the actions of state characters. It leaves out numerous critical primary sources – most egregiously – from Palestinian voices and perspectives. The exclusive inclusion of mostly official documents is a prime example of what the scholar Edward Said called “textual imperialism.” Textual imperialism is a form of revisionist history written from the perspectives of the victors, while overshadowing the personal experiences of those who lost and suffered the most. (Said, 1993) By excluding Palestinian literature before the 1988 Declaration, the ICS distorts the history of Palestinian nationalism and erases decades of Arab political activism. 

The exclusion of nineteen-years of actions, words and events between 1948 to 1967, reveals a broad gap in the literature and obscures crucial historical information including, among other things, evolution of early resistance movements, the formation of Palestinian political consciousness and the fate of Palestinian refugees. These omissions inevitably distort historically crucial links and obscures important continuities underlying present-day controversies and conflicts. These significant oversights also distort the First Intifada as PLO-initiated violence which minimizes its original non-violent, civic nature. 

The geographic mapping options Daikh makes note of demonstrate significant bias. By incorporating political maps that legitimize military occupation, the curriculum normalizes settlements that are recognized as illegal under international law. When coupled with the absence of sources featuring Palestinian perspectives this further exacerbates the historical revisionism in the curriculum. By excluding alternative demographic and land-use maps, students do not grasp the circumstances — displacement, resource distribution, fragmentation — underlying Palestinian perspectives and reasons for resistance. 

The ICC’s narrative makes Palestinian activism appear violently aggressive, while misinterpreting Israeli policy as almost entirely defensive. A good example of the problem is the exclusion of Israeli historian Ilan Pappé’s “1948 paradigm.” Pappe challenges the mainstream Israeli narrative of the 1948 war as a struggle for independence, instead arguing it was a deliberate campaign of ethnic cleansing to expel and displace Palestinians — a perspective he claims has been suppressed in historical discourse. The ICC approach further obscures the structural, settler-colonialism of the Israeli-Arab conflict (Pappé, 2006). I think it is significant to mention that Pappé was born in Israel after the 1948 war and is a Jew whose parents fled Nazi Germany in the 1930s. Pappé teaches in Great Britain after he was pressured to resign his position at the University of Haifa because of his confrontational views of official Israeli government policies. 

As teachers, our goal is to provide students with a range of materials to analyze so they can reach conclusions based on evidence and share with colleagues in respectful conversations. By utilizing selected sources focusing on mostly one perspective of this deeply complicated issue, the ICC’s approach reenforces historical and geographical biases and does a disservice to students and the general public who are interested in learning more about this and other controversial topics. To counter these tendencies, historians and social studies teachers must employ meticulous attention to detail and incorporate perspectives that challenge an educator’s own arguments instead of following preordained interpretive templates. 

Erin Smyth, Social Studies Education Student, Hofstra University: As a graduate student pursuing a degree in secondary social studies education, I was asked to review the Institute for Curriculum Services (ICS) curriculum on the Arab-Israeli conflict alongside Chloe Daikh’s critique of it. On the whole, I agree with Daikh’s analysis. The ICS curriculum fails to provide a complete historical account of the conflict. It leaves out essential historical events and excludes sources from individuals, particularly Palestinians, directly affected by the conflict. This omission hinders students from developing a nuanced understanding of a complex historical issue.

My biggest issue with the ICS curriculum is the absence of Palestinian-authored sources. Aside from the one late inclusion in the curriculum which Daikh notes, the 1988 Palestinian Declaration of Independence, there are no primary sources that focus on Palestinian perspectives, even though the curriculum repeatedly includes Zionist and Israeli sources. This imbalance results in a distorted narrative which is evident in the way the Nakba is covered. The curriculum gives little attention to the mass displacement of Palestinians in 1948 and omits oral histories, failing to convey how the Nakba is experienced by generations of Palestinians. As a result, students are denied the opportunity to understand one of the long-lasting impacts of the conflict on Palestinians.

These omissions not only negatively impact students’ ability to understand the Arab-Israeli conflict, but shape how they understand power, legitimacy, and justice in history. The inclusion of oral histories and more balanced source material is crucial. Without doing so, students cannot fully understand the causes and consequences of the conflict, nor can they evaluate historical claims with the critical thinking skills the C3 Framework demands.

As a future educator, I believe I have a responsibility to teach with integrity and eliminate bias in order to give my students the most complete understanding of history I can. That means resisting overly sanitized or one-sided curricula and ensuring my classroom is a space where multiple narratives are included and analyzed. The ICS curriculum, in its current form, does not meet that standard.

Book Review – Erasing History: How Fascists Rewrite the Past to Control the Future by Jason Stanley

Although it was published prior to the 2024 Presidential election, Erasing History serves well as Jason Stanley’s response to the patriotic history being promoted by the Trump 2.0 administration. Stanley was a Professor of Philosophy at Yale University, but he recently announced that he accepted an appointment to the University of Toronto in Canada because of the deteriorating political situation in the United States. His previous books include How Propaganda Works (2015) and How Fascism Works (2018).

In the Preface to the book, Stanley argues “One lesson the past century has taught us that authoritarian regimes often find history profoundly threatening. At every opportunity, these regimes find ways of erasing or concealing history in order to consolidate their power.” Democracy, on the other hand, “requires recognition of a shared reality that consists of multiple perspective” so that “citizens learn to regard one another as equal contributors to a national narrative . . . Erasing history helps authoritarians because doing so allows them to misrepresent it as a single story,” their preferred story.

Social studies teachers are crucial players in the battle to protect democracy because we insist that students examine multiple perspectives and reach conclusions based on evidence and discussion (xi-x). Russia Premier Vladimir Putin recognizes the danger teachers pose to authoritarian regimes and has declared “Wars are won by teachers.” Under Putin, and now under Trump, history classes are supposed to stress patriotism and textbooks are rewritten to whitewash the past (Illyushina, 2024).

Stanley acknowledges that every educational system must decide what is important to know and be able to explain why because a school curriculum cannot include all knowledge. What authoritarian regimes do is erase from the curriculum evidence that people can struggle for change and social justice so that people are willing to accept an unsatisfactory status quo as the only possible circumstance. That is why China’s government outlawed teaching about the 1989 pro-democracy Tiananmen Square protests and Florida wants to block discussion of reasons for the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States. “By removing the history of uprisings against the current status quo from the curriculum (or never allowing that history to be taught in the first place) authoritarians leave students with the impression that the status quo has never been and cannot be challenged (xx-xxi).”

Chapters include “How to Create an Autocracy”; “Colonizing the Mind”;” “The Nationalist Project”; “From Supremacism to Fascism”; “Anti-education”; and “Reclaiming History.” Throughout the book, Stanley draws comparisons between past nativist and racist movements in the United States, the Nazi ascendency in Germany, and MAGA authoritarianism in the United States today.

Attacks on universities are a key component of the fascist agenda to erase history and undermine democracy. In contemporary Russia, India, Hungary, and Turkey rightwing politicians and autocratic leaders have sought to destroy academic independence by branding faculty as enemies of the state and trying to mandate a preferred curriculum. A Fox New host quota by Stanley bemoaned that “Our universities have become lunatic incubators, which the federal government funds” (21). Stanley argues that there are similar trends in government attacks in these countries on K-12 education. He quotes W.E.B. DuBois that “Education for colonial people must inevitably mean unrest and revolt; education therefore had to be limited and used to inculcate obedience and servility” (25).

Stanly explains how curriculum and textbooks are used in “colonizing the mind.” As a high school teacher in the 1980s I taught an advanced United States history class using Bailey and Kennedy’s The American Pageant: A History of the Republic, 7th edition (Lexington, MA: D.C. Heath, 1983). Stanley includes a quote from the introduction legitimizing colonialism and genocide that I must have completely overlook and did not challenge. It is a statement that well summarizes major components of Trump’s “patriotic history.”

“The American Republic, which is still relatively young when compared with the Old World, was from the outset richly favored. It started from scratch on a vast and virgin continent, which was so sparsely populated by Indians that they could be eliminated or shouldered aside. Such a magnificent opportunity for great democratic experiment may never come again” (2).

However, it did not start from “scratch,” its early institutions and its white people were Europeans, and it definitely was not a “virgin” continent as the sentence acknowledges. What a “magnificent opportunity” to conduct a “great democratic experiment” by exterminating the indigenous population and importing a workforce of enslaved Africans. Hopefully it “may never come again.”

Stanley argues that a movement in the United States to stem the trend towards authoritarianism must reclaim history. That is why social studies teachers, whatever their political views, but because of their commitments to dialogue, evidence, critical thinking, and developing active citizens for a democratic society, are in the crucible of the battle for the hearts and minds of America’s future leaders and defining the kind of country this will become. We are the threat to authoritarianism.

For the book jacket, Congressman Jamie Raskin (D-Md) wrote Stanley that “shows how everything from the antisemitic Great Replacement Theory to the vilification of gay people and feminists to the promotion of myths of national purity and historical innocence all work to demolish democratic agency and freedom.” Stanley “leaves us with the sense that those who fight for the past can save the future.”

This is both a readable and invaluable book for teachers who are concerned about the impact of the Trump administration of the future of education in this country and the survival of democracy in America.

Book Review: The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine, A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917- 2017

A year after the brutal attack on Israel by Hamas on October 7, 2023 and the devastating Israeli military response that has killed over 45,000 Palestinians, I reexamined The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine, A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917- 2017 by Columbia University Professor Rashid Khalidi, originally published in 2020. A reviewer for The Nation (Hawa, 2020) described it as “one of the best-researched general surveys of 20th and early 21st century Palestinian life, but it’s also a deeply personal work.” A review in The Guardian (Hughes, 2020) called it “informed and passionate. It pulls no punches in its critique of Jewish-Israeli policies (policies that have had wholehearted US support after 1967), but it also lays out the failings of the Palestinian leadership . . . An elegy for the Palestinians.” The New York Times (Anderson, 2020) reviewer was more critical arguing that Khalidi failed to spell out a resolution to the conflicts between Israel and Palestine and dismissing what he did offer as having an “increasingly fantastic quality.”

Rashid Khalidi’s main arguments are that during the 100-year war on Palestine, the dominant powers, including the United States, favored Zionist ambitions and either ignored or thwarted Palestinian nationalism and that Israel justifies inequality and its aggressive nationalism as part of its need for security. Khalidi’s response is that there are two peoples who legitimately occupy Palestine and there can be no resolution until they both acknowledge the legitimacy of the other. This would require removing external support for the discriminatory and unequal current arrangement. At best the United States has paid lip service to the idea of a two-state solution, but it never placed the needed pressure on Israel to make this possible (245-247). 

Khalidi comes from a prominent Palestinian family, so the history of Palestine is interwoven with his family’s history and his own personal experiences. Khalidi was born and educated in New York City while his father was a United Nations official. He has lived and taught in Lebanon and frequently visited Palestine/Israel for research and family visits. His Palestinian family included generations of Islamic and legal scholars and government officials. One noteworthy relative warned of the threat of Zionism to Palestinians as early as 1899 (4). His grandfather was Hussain al-Khalidi, an advocate for Palestinian rights, a mayor of Jerusalem, and member of the Ottoman parliament. A paternal uncle, Husayn al-Khalidi, was mayor of Jerusalem from 1934 to 1937 when he was sent into exile by the British to the Indian Ocean Seychelles archipelago. He was not able to return to Palestine until 1943.

In The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine, Rashid Khalidi writes a history of the region from a Palestinian lens and deconstructs what he considers to be myths about the founding of Israel and its rise as a regional military power. While Khalidi’s title has the history of the struggle of Palestinians for nationhood beginning in 1917, the book actually begins in the 1890s when Theodore Herzl offered a Zionist vision for a Jewish homeland in Palestine. Herzl proposed a settlement plan based on the expulsion of Palestinians that continued to be implemented after the founding of Israel as an independent state in 1948. Herzl believed that European Jews had to “expropriate gently the private property on the estates assigned to us. We shall try to spirit the penniless population across the border by procuring employment for it in transit countries, while denying it employment in our own country” (4).

Yusuf Diya, the late 19th century Palestinian Mayor of Jerusalem, responded to growing Zionist sentiment in an 1899 letter to the chief rabbi of France. Diya argued that “Palestine is an integral part of the Ottoman Empire, and more gravely, it is inhabited by others.” He concluded the letter “in the name of God, let Palestine be left alone” (5). Herzl answered Diya’s letter acknowledging that a Jewish state in Palestine would be a European settler colony and argued it would “form a part of a wall of defense for Europe in Asia, an outpost of civilization against barbarism” (10). In the 1920s, Ze’ev Jabotinsky, a British World War I veteran who promoted a militaristic Zionism, called for military action to support a Jewish state. In 1925, Jabotinsky wrote “If you wish to colonize a land in which people are already living, you must find a garrison for the land, or find a benefactor who will provide a garrison on your behalf . . . Zionism is a colonizing venture, and therefore, it stands or falls on the question of armed forces” (51).

Khalidi believes that the British Empire was never motivated by altruism towards colonized people, but supported Jewish emigration to Palestine because it would buttress Britain’s position in the eastern Mediterranean and solve its own antisemitic “Jewish Problem.” At the same time during and after World War I the British were promising European Zionists a Jewish state in Palestine with the Balfour Declaration, they were also promising Middle Eastern Arab leaders that independent Arab states including a Palestinian state would be carved out of the Ottoman Empire (25). Balfour recognized the contradictory promises that were made, and in a confidential memo to the British cabinet he wrote “we do not propose even to go through the form of consulting the wishes of the present inhabitants of the country . . . the 700,000 Arabs who now inhabit that ancient land” (38).

The hypocrisy of the British position continued when the League of Nations Mandate for Palestine issued in 1922 formalized British control over Palestine. It included a pledge to honor the Balfour Declaration’s promise of a “national home for the Jewish people” in Palestine and while the mandate included a clause that “nothing should be done which might prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities,” it never directly referenced Palestinians as a people with a right to self-determination, something British and the Americans continued to do in Middle East peace talks into the 1990s (34).

In the 1930s, as Jewish migration from Europe to Palestine expanded, there was growing Palestinian nationalist resistance to the British Mandate including armed battles between the British military and Palestinian rebels that resulted in about one-sixth of the Palestinian male population killed, wounded, imprisoned, or exiled. In response to the uprisings, a British Commission recommended the division of the mandate into two separate states with the formation of a small Jewish homeland on less than 20% of the territory from which the Palestinian population would be transferred, a euphonism for expelled. Khalidi argues that prior to and during World War II, the Palestinian nationalist movement was weakened by British repression and internal division while the Zionist movement was strengthened by British policy that included creating a Jewish Brigade that marched under their own banner in the British Army and arming and training Jewish settlers to help defeat a wartime Palestinian uprising (43-47). The Jewish Brigade and the armed settlers became the core of the Israeli army during the war for independence.

As the horrors of the Nazi extermination campaign became known, with increasing support from diasporan Jews living in the United States and the American and British governments, Zionists positioned themselves for creation of a post-war Jewish state either in a portion of the Palestinian Mandate or in the entire territory (61). After the war, the British Empire receded as the British were forced to accept Indian independence, faced armed colonial resistance in a number of areas, and Jewish settler opposed continuation of the Palestinian Mandate. Great Britain finally turned the future of Palestine over to the newly established United Nations which issued a proposal highly favorable to the Jewish settlers. The Jewish minority would receive over half of the mandate territory to establish an independent state while the much larger Palestinian population would receive a significantly smaller amount of land. The proposed revision led to the Nakba, the catastrophe, the expulsion of tens of thousands of Palestinians from what would become the Jewish state and war between Israel and neighboring Arab states. Khalidi describes the forced removal of Palestinians from their land and villages as ethnic cleansing (72-75).

According to Khalidi’s chronology, the expulsion of Palestinians began in November 1947, six months before the declaration of Israeli independence in May 1948 and before the invasion of a well-armed Israel by virtually non-existent Arab armies, an invasion that Khalidi dismisses as ill-conceived at best and not necessarily intended to benefit Palestinians. It is a myth that a small and ill-prepared Jewish state defeated seven powerful Arab nations against overwhelming odds to secure its independence. The reality, according to Khalidi, is that Lebanon, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and Yemen did not significantly participate, Egypt and Syria were overmatched, and Transjordan, later Jordan, used the Israeli war for independence as an opportunity to seize control over West Bank territory that was intended as part of an independent Palestinian state (75-77).

Israel’s military victory was aided by a shift in American foreign policy from balanced support for both a Jewish state and newly emerging Arab governments in the region, to near total diplomatic and military support for Israel. While elements of the American foreign policy establishment initially expressed concern that support for Israel would hurt American oil interests in the region, that did not manifest as a problem until the 1970s when the United States began sending Israel massive amounts of military aid. Decisions were often made because of domestic political concerns. President Truman reportedly told a meeting of U.S. diplomats “I am sorry gentlemen, but I have to answer to hundreds of thousands who are anxious for the success of Zionism. I do not have hundreds of thousands of Arabs among my constituents” (79-80).

After independence, Israel treated the remaining Palestinians within its territory as second-class citizens subject to martial law. Dispossessed Palestinians within Israel were prevented from leasing or purchasing land that they had been driven off that was now reserved for Jewish settlement. Palestinians forced into refugee camps in Gaza, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria were completely dependent on the United Nations for relief aid and for maintaining the most basic conditions for survival. They were never integrated into host countries and increasingly they identified as Palestinians with a desire to return to their traditional homes. Military incursions into Israel by Palestinian nationalist groups were met with disproportionate force and collective punishment by Israel which only intensified the desire for an independent Palestinian state (83-88).

One of Khalidi’s more controversial assertions is that justifications given by Israel for the 1967 preemptive strike that destroyed the Egyptian, Syrian, and Jordanian air forces are unfounded. Israel claimed that it faced an impending attack that threatened its existence. Khalidi cites a report by U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara to President Lyndon Johnson and Israeli Foreign Minister Abba Eban stating that no attack was imminent and that if the Arab states actually did attack Israel, they would be easily defeated by a far superior Israeli military. In support of his argument, Khalidi cites Lyndon Johnson’s The Vantage Point: Perspectives of the Presidency (Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971) and a Department of State analysis from 1967 (Foreign Relations, 1964-1968, Volume XIX, Arab-Israeli Crisis and War, 1967). At the meeting, President Johnson added “All of our intelligence people are unanimous” that if Egypt did attack “You will whip hell out of them” (97). According to U.S. documents later published, General Earl Wheeler, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, informed the President “The UAR’s [United Arab Republic, Egypt and Syria] dispositions are defensive and do not look as if they are preparatory for an invasion of Israel” and a C.I.A. memorandum reported “Israel could almost certainly attain air superiority over the Sinai Peninsula in 24 hours after the initiative or in two or three days if the UAR struck first” (276). Despite U.S. intelligence reports and the meeting between Johnson, McNamara, and Eban, the head of the Israeli intelligence agency informed McNamara that Israel planned to go ahead with a preemptive attack and McNamara gave tacit approval (104). These documents undermine the myth that the preemptive Israel strike on its neighbors in 1967 was necessitated by survival.

Khalidi accuses the America media of being complicit with this country’s one-sided approach to repeated Middle Eastern crises and the treatment of Palestinians. He opens Chapter 4 with a quote from a 1982 communication between Thomas Friedman, at the time the New York Times Beirut Bureau Chief, with editors at the newspaper. Friedman accuses them of being “afraid to tell our readers and those who might complain to you that the Israelis are capable of indiscriminately shelling an entire city” (139), a telling complaint given Israel’s current bombing campaigns in the Gaza Strip and Lebanon and Israel’s claims that the bombings are carefully directed at military targets.

Pointedly, United Nations efforts to mediate the conflict between Israel and its neighbors with Security Council Resolution 242 in 1967 made no mention of Palestinians except to call for a resolution of the refugee crisis. Ignoring the existence of the Palestinian people as a party to the conflict contributed to a claim by Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir in an interview published in the Sunday Times of London on June 15, 1969 (106). Khalidi quoted an excerpt from the interview; however, the full statement is worth citing because of its total denial of a Palestinian nationality. According to Meir “There was no such thing as Palestinians. When was there an independent Palestinian people with a Palestinian state? It was either Southern Syria, before the First World War, and then it was a Palestine, including Jordan. It was not as though there was a Palestinian people in Palestine considering itself as a Palestinian people and we came and threw them out and took their country from them. They did not exist.”

Israel’s resounding victory in the 1967 war the exposed military weaknesses of the major Arab nations. Khalidi believes their failure to advance the Palestinian cause spurred a sense of political, literary, and artistic Palestinian nationalism and the emergence of Yassar Arafat, the PLO, and Fatah as dominant forces in Palestinian society. Israel countered this resurgence by continually equating Palestinian with terrorist in efforts to discredit the movement in the United States and on the international stage, although the Fatah and the PLO were never a military threat to Israel (110-119). The 1978 Camp David Accords between Egypt and Israel, Khalidi considers them part of a United States Cold War strategy for pulling Egypt out of the Soviet orbit and effectively dividing the Arab bloc, excluded Palestinians from the negotiations (122). They established as a goal respecting the “legitimate rights of the Palestinian people” and the creation of civilian “autonomy” on the Israeli occupied West Bank, but not statehood, something Khalidi criticized in Brokers of Deceit: How the U.S. Has Undermined Peace in the Middle East (Beacon Press, 2013) as “devoid of meaning and content.” Developments since the 1978 agreement bear out Khalidi’s view as Israel has absorbed East Jerusalem, built West Bank settlements that are illegal under international law, effectively blockaded the Gaza Strip, and it has continually blocked efforts to create an independent Palestinian state, even after the PLO and Fatah endorsed a two-state solution, accepting the legitimacy of a Jewish state (126).

Khalidi provides much greater coverage of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982, than the 1973 Yom Kippur War. In his view it was much more closely linked to the future of Palestine and argues that proponents of a “Greater Israel,” including Ariel Sharon, Menachim Begin, and Yitzhak Shamir, believed the battle to defeat Palestinian forces in Lebanon would destroy the PLO as an effective military force and severely weaken the Palestinian nationalist movement. He quotes former Israeli Chief of Staff Mordechai Gur’s explanation of the war to a Knesset committee that in the “Occupied Territories” it would provide Israel with “greater freedom of action” (142-143). Khalidi also believes that United States Secretary of State Alexander Haig had prior knowledge of the invasion and gave Israel tacit approval.

In an effort to prevent a broader war, the Reagan administration did propose limiting Israeli settlements on the West Bank and the creation of an autonomous Palestinian Authority, but not an independent Palestinian state (151). Despite warnings to Israel, the United States never limited its support for Israeli action in Lebanon, even after the Western press documented Israel’s role in massacres carried out by its local allies at the Sabra and Shatila Palestinian refugee camps (158-162). We see similar warnings by the U.S. today that continued Israeli attacks on civilians in Gaza and Lebanon will lead to reduced U.S. support, but in both cases the United States took no action.

Unanticipated results of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon were the emergence of Hizballah as a new armed opponent of Israel, growing international sympathy for Palestinians, and increased militancy by Palestinians on the West Bank and in Gaza as they realized they could not rely on the either the major powers or Arab nations to mediate conflicts with Israel or to press for creation of the long promised Palestinian state. This new Palestinian awareness led to the spontaneous eruption of the First Intifada in 1987 in Gaza that then spread to the West Bank with street battles between largely unarmed young Palestinian protesters and heavily armed Israeli troops (168-169). The Intifada also exposed a growing rift between the PLO/Fatah leadership in exile and the local Palestinian population directly challenging the Israeli occupation although in 1988, the PLO did issue a Palestinian “Declaration of Independence “(178).

In his discussion of the Madrid Peace Conference in 1991 and Oslo Accords meetings in 1993, Khalidi believes an important concession by Israel was acceptance that the Palestinians were a people and that the PLO were their legitimate representatives. However, the Palestinian delegation at Oslo was a delegation of exiles who had not been in occupied Palestine for decades; they were not well versed on conditions there and were ill-prepared for negotiations. In exchange for receiving limited administrative responsibility for scattered areas across the West Bank and the ability to return from exile, the PLO leadership conceded the continuation of the Israeli occupation. Arafat mistakenly believed that future negotiations based on the Oslo Accords would bring further concessions from Israel, something the Israeli’s were never prepared to do as they drew out the timeframe for reaching new agreements. The United States, solidly in the same camp as Israel, blamed the PLO and Arafat for any delays. U.S. bias and Israeli intransigence torpedoed the accords despite PLO willingness to acquiesce on virtually every front, acquiescence that further alienated the PLO from Palestinian activists on the West Bank and in Gaza (194-199).

Relocated to the West Bank headquarters, the PLO served at consent of the of the Israeli military, and in 2002, during a Second Intifada set off by Palestinian frustration and Israeli provocations, the headquarters of the Palestinian Authority were forcibly closed (199-203). Khalidi views the Second Intifada as a setback for Palestinians because scenes of violence broadcast globally seemed to justify the Israeli intransigence that caused the violence (2019).

Following Oslo, the Israeli occupation completely sealed off the Gaza Strip. Awareness that Oslo agreements would never end the occupation eventually brought Hamas to power in the Gaza and created the conditions that ultimately forced Israel to close its settlements there and withdraw. Meanwhile, the United States in the wake of the attacks on September 11, 2001, stiffened laws against terrorism making an even remote connection to an organization or individual on its terrorist list impossible to maintain, isolating the groups, reinforcing their alienation, and preventing any attempts to modify their goals or actions (221).

Khalidi cites instances where Israeli actions ran counter to U.S. policy goals, especially during the Cold War with the Soviet Union. In these cases, the United States attempted to put a break on aggressive Israeli actions, however American governments were primarily concerned with its relationship with Arab governments and not with Israel’s treatment of Palestinians. Writing before the October 7, 2023 Hamas attack and the Israeli response, Khalidi believed there was a gradual shift taking place in American public opinion recognizing the legitimacy of Palestinian grievances and aspirations. The problem, he saw, was that the political leadership in the country was non-responsive to this shift. The Republican Party was heavily dependent for votes on Evangelical Christian supporters that perceived the State of Israel as signaling the fulfillment of Biblical prophecy and both parties relied on wealthy pro-Israel donors to finance election campaigns. Israel’s success in equating Palestinians with terrorists undermined sympathy for the Palestinian cause after al Qaeda attacked the United States on September 11, 2001 and the Bush administration launched a war on terror that continued into the Obama presidency (228-232).

In his conclusion, Khalidi addresses possibilities for shifting public opinion in the United States to become more favorable to the Palestinian cause. One approach is to identify the Palestinian cause with other liberation movements by colonized indigenous people, specifically South Africa, Ireland, and Native Americans. However, this has been difficult because Zionism claims biblical roots in Palestine and that the ancient Jews are the indigenous population, not Palestinian Arabs. American perceptions of United States history and a positive view of settler colonialism have also made it difficult to change American views about Palestinian statehood (41-242).

A second tactic proposed by Khalidi is challenging the myth that Israel is David hoping for peace but prepared to fight against a powerful Arab Goliath. Khalidi wants to reverse the idea of who is powerful and who is victimized. He also wants to challenge the moral legitimacy of Israel, that it cannot be both Jewish and democratic. The Israeli charter ensures Jewish supremacy which makes it illiberal and discriminatory (243-244).

Khalidi believes that at this point the United States cannot be relied on to broker a fair solution and a massive campaign within the United States is needed to shift public opinion. Palestinians will also need to win support in Europe, Russia, India, China, and Brazil. In Arab countries, Khalidi argues Palestinians must appeal to sympathetic populations rather than unsympathetic regimes (252). It may also be possible to influence Israelis tired of decades of war and the intense fighting and hostage situation in the latest conflict. Palestinians, for their part, need to reject Oslo gradualism, demand an entirely new timetable, and insist on a set of conditions based on the initial United Nations decision to establish two independent states.

Khalidi’s coverage of most of the events in the hundred years’ war on Palestine are comprehensive, however there is almost no discussion of the 1973 Yom Kipper War. I think it is a significant omission because in that war neighboring Arab states did attack Israel in an attempt to regain territory seized by Israel in 1967, and at least at the start, Israel appeared to be vulnerable. For many American Jews and for Israelis the attack on Israel and the successful Israeli counterattack justified their belief that Israel’s survival as a small country was continually threatened by hostile neighbors, could only be ensured through a dominant military supported by U.S. aid, and that the occupation of Gaza Strip, the Golan Heights, and the West Bank were essential for Israel’s defense. I can only conjecture that the 1973 war is of limited importance in Khalidi’s narrative because the United States was already committed to one-sided support for Israel in Middle Eastern conflicts and because it did not significantly change the situation for Palestinians in the occupied territories.

Anderson, S.  (2020, January 28). “Is There Any Way to End the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict?” New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/28/books/review/the-hundred-years-war-on-palestine-rashid-khalidi.html. Accessed December 23, 2024.

Hawa, K. (2020, August 10/17). “Present Absences, A century of struggle in Palestine,” The Nation. https://www.thenation.com/article/world/hundred-years-war-on-palestine-rashid-khalidi/. Accessed December 23, 2024.

Hughes, M. (2020, May 7). “The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine by Rashid Khalidi review – conquest and resistance,” The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/books/2020/may/07/the-hundred-years-war-on-palestine-by-rashid-khalidi-review-conquest-and-resistance#  Accessed December 23, 2024.

Marantz, A. 2023, December 2. “Columbia Suspended Pro-Palestine Student Groups. The Faculty Revolted,” The New Yorker. https://www.newyorker.com/news/our-local-correspondents/columbia-suspended-pro-palestine-student-groups-the-faculty-revolted. Accessed December 23, 2024.

Mashiach, I. (2024, November 30). “Palestinian-American Historian Rashid Khalidi: ‘Israel Has Created a Nightmare Scenario for Itself. The Clock Is Ticking,” Haaretz. https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2024-11-30/ty-article-magazine/.highlight/rashid-khalidi-israel-has-created-a-nightmare-scenario-for-itself-the-clock-is-ticking/00000193-7b6a-d1df-a79f-7beab0db0000. Accessed December 23, 2024.

Notes and Commentary 2023, December “Tenured Barbarians, On academic antisemitism,” The New Criterion, v. 42, n. 4. https://newcriterion.com/article/tenured-barbarians/ . Accessed December 23, 2024.

Shezaf, H. (2019, July 5) “Burying the Nakba: How Israel Systematically Hides Evidence of 1948 Expulsion of Arabs,” Haaretz

https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2019-07-05/ty-article-magazine/.premium/how-israel-systematically-hides-evidence-of-1948-expulsion-of-arabs/0000017f-f303-d487-abff-f3ff69de0000.  Accessed December 23, 2024.

Israel, Russia, and International Law

This article is reprinted with permission from Foreign Policy in Focus

International law―the recognized rules of behavior among nations based on customary practices and treaties, among them the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights―has been agreed upon by large and small nations alike. To implement this law, the nations of the world have established a UN Security Council (to maintain international peace and security) and a variety of international courts, including the UN’s International Court of Justice (which adjudicates disputes between nations and gives advisory opinions on international legal issues) and the International Criminal Court (which prosecutes individuals for crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and the crime of aggression). Yet nations continue to defy international law.

In the ongoing Gaza crisis, the Israeli government has failed to uphold international law by rebuffing the calls of international organizations to end its massive slaughter of Palestinian civilians. The U.S. government has facilitated this behavior by vetoing three UN Security Council resolutions calling for a ceasefire, while the Israeli government has ignored an International Court of Justice ruling that it should head off genocide in Gaza by ensuring sufficient humanitarian assistance to the Palestinian population. The Israeli government has also refused to honor an order by the International Court of Justice to halt its offensive in Rafah and denounced the International Criminal Court’s request for arrest warrants for its top officials.

Russia’s military assault upon Ukraine provides another example of flouting international law. Given the UN Charter’s prohibition of the “use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state,” when Russian military forces seized and annexed Crimea and commenced military operations to gobble up eastern Ukraine in early 2014, the issue came before the UN Security Council, where condemnation of Russia’s action was promptly vetoed by Russia. Similarly, in February 2022, when the Russian government commenced a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Russia again vetoed Security Council action. That March, the International Court of Justice, by an overwhelming vote, ordered Russia to halt its invasion of Ukraine—but, as usual, to no avail. Unfortunately, these violations of international law are not unusual for, over many decades, numerous nations have ignored the recognized rules of international conduct.

What is lacking is not international law but, rather, its consistent and universal enforcement. For decades, the five permanent members of the UN Security Council (the United States, Russia, China, Britain, and France) have repeatedly used their veto power in that entity to block UN action to maintain international peace and security. Furthermore, nearly two-thirds of the world’s nations do not accept the compulsory jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice, while  more than a third of the world’s nations (including some of the largest, such as Russia, the United States, China, and India) have resisted becoming parties to the International Criminal Court.

Despite such obstacles, these organizations have sometimes played very useful roles in resolving international disputes. The UN Security Council has dispatched numerous peacekeeping missions around the world―including 60 alone in the years since the dissolution of the Soviet Union―that have helped defuse crises in conflict-ridden regions.

For its part, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) paved the way for the Central American Peace Accords during the 1980s through its ruling in Nicaragua v United States, while its ruling in the Nuclear Tests case helped bring an end to nuclear weapons testing in the Pacific. In addition, the ICJ’s ruling in Chad v Libya resolved a territorial dispute between these two nations and ended their military conflict.

Although the International Criminal Court has only been in operation since 2002, it has thus far convicted ten individuals of heinous crimes, issued or requested warrants for the arrest of prominent figures charged with war crimes (including Vladimir PutinBenjamin Netanyahu, and the leaders of Hamas), and conducted or begun investigations of yet other notorious individuals. But, of course, as demonstrated by the persistence of wars of aggression and massive violations of human rights, enforcing international law remains a major problem in the contemporary world.

Therefore, if the world is to move beyond national impunity―if it is finally to scrap the long and disgraceful tradition among nations of might makes right―it is necessary to empower the world’s major international organizations to enforce the international law that nations have agreed to respect. This strengthening of global governance is certainly possible.

Although provisions in the UN Charter make outright abolition of the UN Security Council veto very difficult, other means are available for reducing the veto’s baneful effects. In many cases ―including those of the Ukraine and Gaza conflicts―simply invoking Article 27(3) of the UN Charter would be sufficient, for it states that a party to a dispute before the Security Council shall abstain from voting in connection with that dispute. Furthermore, 124 UN nations have already endorsed a proposal for renunciation of the veto when taking action against genocide, crimes against humanity, and mass atrocities. Moreover, the UN General Assembly has occasionally employed “Uniting for Peace” resolutions to take action when the Security Council has failed to do so.

Improving the effectiveness of the international judicial system has also generated attention in recent years. The LAW Not War campaign, championed by organizations dedicated to improving global governance, advocates strengthening the International Court of Justice, principally by increasing the number of nations accepting the compulsory jurisdiction of the Court. Similarly, the Coalition for the International Criminal Court, representing numerous organizations, calls on all nations to ratify the Court’s founding statute and, thereby, “expand the Court’s reach and reduce the impunity gap.”

National impunity is not inevitable, at least if people and governments of the world are willing to take the necessary actions. Are they? Or will they continue talking of a “rules-based international order” while they avoid enforcing the rules?

The Black Plague: A Positive Spin on Death?

How can mass mortality be viewed in a positive light? This is a question that arises when it comes to contemporary discussions of the fourteenth-century Black Death epidemic which wiped out nearly one-third of the population of Europe.[1] It is difficult to understate the immediate negative consequences of the Plague as it dismembered families, ripped apart social structures, and threw the economy into shock. Yet, some historians have now come to see the depopulation of the continent as a sort of necessary evil. Shortages of resources and job opportunities were prevalent by the beginning of the fourteenth century, especially in England, the country this paper will focus on.[2] In contrast, the Plague eliminated the shortages caused by overpopulation which immediately increased demand for workers. This led to increased wage growth and the widening of options of employment for average civilians. So, did the Black Death have a more positive or negative short-term impact on the English labor force? This essay argues that while the epidemic brought about a period of brief devastation, it ultimately eased the shortages of the years that preceded it leading to rapid labor reform which can be seen in first-hand accounts and the post-plague policies aimed at curtailing it.

            The advancements made by laborers as a result of the Black Death can most obviously be seen by comparing their circumstances from before and after the Plague’s onset. As mentioned previously, it is therefore important to begin by establishing the former. This can be done by analyzing “The Statute of Labourers,” a 1351 policy put in place by the English government which attempted to maintain the social structure that was present before the epidemic. In so doing, the law continuously reverts back to the conditions of the “20th year of the king’s reign” which refers to 1346, just one year before the onset of the Black Death.[3] One of the Statute’s stipulations is that most employees, especially in agricultural fields could not be hired for periods less than a year, or other extended tenures that existed beforehand.[4] This severely limited the options of laborers and forced them to remain in jobs that might not pay as well as others. Therefore, not only were there severe shortages of jobs in England during the beginning of the fourteenth century, but workers were often unable to switch jobs, being signed for lengthy terms of service. Furthermore, the Statute makes it clear that virtually no benefits were offered by employers. Laborers were therefore expected to work for their dwindling salaries alone.[5] This shows a circumstance in which there was such a high supply of workers, that employers did not need to create many incentives to fill their openings.

            Karakacili furthers the image of pre-Plague life that the Statute of Labourers provides. Her findings show that the majority of workers in England at the time were farmers. And just as the provisions of the Statute mandated certain tenures of service for employees, Karakacili claims that much of the labor by said farmers was completed by serfs. In addition, Karakacili applies the Malthusian crisis she explains earlier to the predicament of English laborers. As such, she claims that “the average output of a farm worker did not suffice…to feed him or herself.”[6] Therefore, wages were so low, and resources were so scarce, that the majority of people were not able to provide for themselves. But workers remained in their struggling positions because it was likely the best they could achieve.[7] So, in this situation as well, workers were limited in their ability to leave their jobs, both because they were legally prevented from doing so, and because there were very few other viable options.

All aspects of society were affected by the Black Death, and limitations for employees in England were no exception. To this point, Alfani and Murphy explain in “Plague and Lethal Epidemics” that “an inequality decline after a severe mortality is what we should expect.”[8] By this, they mean that various economic consequences of epidemics contribute to a narrowing of the wage gap. This is because as the population declines, so does the supply of labor. And the general rule of economics that Alfani and Murphy outline is that as a resource becomes scarcer, it becomes more expensive.[9] This was clearly the case with the Black Death as it had one of the highest mortality rates of any epidemic in history. Therefore, the mortality of the Plague diminished the supply of workers which immediately led to increased wages and competition between employers for laborers.

            The increase in competition for English laborers can be seen in various accounts of serfs leaving their old employers behind as there were finally better options available. As such, after the Black Death, there are abundant instances showing the diminishing disconnect between serfs and their masters as the former could now achieve sustainable compensation. An account of the East Riding estates of Meaux Abbey in the 1350s outlines several examples of serfs discovering new opportunities in the wake of the Plague. In one instance, the account describes a series of serfs bound to the church in the town of Wawne. However, it goes on to ridicule them saying that despite their long history of being bound to serve the church, they have declared themselves free of their service. Still, it does not say that they just left to wander about the country. Rather, they called themselves servants of the king as they “apparently considered it more glorious to be…royal serfs.”[10] Another example of this trend comes in the Durham hallmoot book of 1350-55 which discusses the experiences of a lord in northern England whose serfs abandon him. These farmers are described as “malicious” as their actions were seen as a betrayal of the master they were bound to. Again though, they are not seen as completely leaving their jobs altogether, but with the intention to “tak[e] holdings elsewhere.”[11] This shows the occurrence of the pattern that Alfani and Murphy discuss. The Black Death wiped out so many workers that demand for them increased dramatically thereby widening the prospects of the labor force. As a result, workers who previously had no hope of ever leaving their insufficient circumstances, could now easily find work elsewhere and for better wages. The serfs of Wawne and Durham are emblematic of this trend as they departed their old livelihoods for better ones in the wake of the Black Death upheaval.

            The Black Death’s economic consequences can be seen not only in firsthand accounts, but also in the legislation instituted by governments following it. Leading Plague historian Samuel Cohn discusses such legislation in his article “After the Black Death: Labour legislation and attitudes towards labour” in which he outlines the motivation behind it and its differences throughout Europe. Cohn explains that these policies were put in place to stimy the supposed advancements that laborers were making as a result of the fear and anxiety that accompanied the great mortality.[12] As Herlihy explained, the Black Death represented an unalterable shift in the labor dynamics of the fourteenth century[13] and this perception was felt throughout Europe just as Cohn describes. Therefore, the reverberations of the Plague on English labor can be seen in post-epidemic policies aimed at curtailing them.

            An example of these post-Plague policies is that of Simon Sudbury who as the Archbishop of Canterbury in the 1370s was the foremost religious leader in England behind the Pope. In a 1378 letter to the Bishop of London, Sudbury lays out both his displeasure with the changes in labor, and his solution to them. He thus begins by describing his own priests as “infected with the sin of greed” for they had been selling their services for “vastly inflated salaries” outside the church.[14] In response, the Archbishop raises the wages of the priests in order to get them to stay, but also imposes strict penalties for those would still not adhere to the new salaries.[15] Sudbury’s letter thus proves that post-plague advancements were not only occurring for farmers and serfs, but also for members of the church. This situation widens the scope of Black Death reform from the lowliest peasants to include the clergy as well.

            The hallmark of English post-Plague labor legislation came in the form of the aforementioned 1351 Statute of Labourers which attempted to return the social order to the characteristics it embodied five years earlier.[16] It therefore made it illegal for workers to sign employment contracts that were binding for less than a year, instituted strict salaries for various jobs that were not to be exceeded, and required that employers offer no benefits to their laborers.[17] Its fears of workers making advancements are confirmed by the various accounts of individuals being charged for violating it. In a 1353 case in the town of Lincoln, a ploughman named John Skit is described as fleeing to “distant parts,” fearing his prosecution for accepting a new job under better working conditions before his contract was concluded.[18] In a similar 1360 case from Bolingbroke, a bishop named Alan is recorded as being charged forty pence for leaving his employment to a figure known as “Lady Roos” before his term of service was over.[19] Another case from 1374 describes a so-called “vagabond” named Richard Rote as being placed in stocks until he agreed to work again. However, the case also claims that two people attempted to free Rote, openly defying the provisions of the Statute of Labourers.[20] There are countless examples of violations of the Statue, thereby showing how labor reform was in fact taking place.

            It is not at all difficult to point out the destructive repercussions of the Black Death. By eliminating one-third of the population of Europe, it tore apart institutions, families, and impacted nearly every corner of society. However, there has emerged a sound argument for the Plague having a positive effect on English labor. Before the epidemic ravaged the country, England, like most places in the continent, was suffering immense shortages in both resources and job opportunities. However morbidly, the Black Death’s mortality ended this crisis and opened up the job market. As there were now shortages of workers, employers were forced to raise wages and benefits, and laborers could now leave their jobs (albeit illegally according to the Statutes) as there were other viable options. This trend was not without resistance and the English government attempted to stimy the advancements of employees in order to maintain the social structure. But, these policies prove that reform was indeed taking place, especially since there are many documented violations of them. As such, these circumstances beg the question, was the English workforce more positively or negatively affected by the Black Death? By ending the Malthusian Crisis of the early fourteenth century, the Plague opened up the job market increasing wages and opportunities for average English workers in a way that would not be seen again for centuries.

            At this point, it seems appropriate to ask, so what? What does an epidemic from the fourteenth century have to do with your classroom today, 700 years later. Well, especially considering the events of the last few years, it seems almost more relevant than ever before. The Coronavirus Pandemic we all experienced is perfect fodder for a compare and contrast activity. A clear example is the fact that the Coronavirus was classified as a pandemic but was less deadly. Why was this the case? What were the characteristics of each that they were classified differently? Furthermore, one could easily conduct a simulation with this lesson. It might be a good idea to have the students imagine the methods they would use to handle the Black Death epidemic which might rationalize some of the actions taken by Plague doctors. And if you’re looking for a lesson specifically concerning the labor reforms discussed in this article, consider tying it in with your economics unit. It’s a clear example of supply and demand. There is definitely no shortage of options for lessons on this topic, which could be an eye-opening, yet relatable subject for your class.

Alfani, Guido, and Murphy, Tommy. “Plague and Lethal Epidemics in the Pre-Industrial World.” The Journal of Economic History 77, no. 1 (2017): 314–43.

Bardsley, Sandy. “Women’s Work Reconsidered: Gender and Wage Differentiation in Late Medieval England.” Past & Present, No. 165 (Nov. 1999): 3-29

Cohn, Samuel. “After the Black Death: Labour Legislation and Attitudes Towards Labour in Late-Medieval Western Europe.” The Economic History Review 60, no. 3 (2007): 457–85

Herlihy, David. “The New Economic and Demographic System.” In The Black Death and the Transformation of the West (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997), pp. 39-57

Karakacili, Eona. “English Agrarian Labor Productivity Rates before the Black Death: A Case Study.” The Journal of Economic History 64, no. 1 (2004): 24–60.

Rosemary Horrox, ed. and trans., The Black Death (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1994).

“Difficulties in finding tenants,” pp. 326-331

“Rebellious Serfs at Wawne,” pp. 331-338

“A selection of cases from Lincolnshire,” pp. 319-320

Simon Sudbury, “Simon Sudbury increases priests’ wages,” pp. 311-312

“The Statute of Labourers,” pp. 312-316


[1] Guido Alfani, and Tommy E. Murphy. 2017. “Plague and Lethal Epidemics in the Pre-Industrial World.” The Journal of Economic History 77 (no. 1), 318.

Alfani and Murphy discuss the Black Death’s emergence in the Himalayas in the 1330s and its recognition by the Mongols in control there. From central Asia, it traveled west eventually reaching the shores of the Black Sea, the Hellespont, and then the Mediterranean. Because of the wide area affected by the disease, mortality rates ranged from place to place. The one-third rate discussed in the first paragraph of this essay refers to that of Europe at large and is estimated to be closer to two-thirds in some regions throughout the continent.

[2] Eona Karakacili. “English Agrarian Labor Productivity Rates before the Black Death: A Case Study.” The Journal of Economic History 64, no. 1 (2004), 25.

[3] “The Statute of Labourers” in The Black Death, ed. and trans. Rosemary Horrox (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1994), 312.

[4] Ibid., 313

[5] Ibid.

[6] Karakacili, 26.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Alfani and Murphy, 334.

[9] Ibid.

[10] “Rebellious Serfs at Wawne” in Horrox, The Black Death, 332

[11] “Difficulties in finding tenants” in Horrox, The Black Death, 327

[12] Samuel Cohn. “After the Black Death: Labour Legislation and Attitudes Towards Labour in Late-Medieval Western Europe.” The Economic History Review 60, no. 3 (2007), 457

[13] Herlihy, 40

[14] Simon Sudbury, “Simon Sudbury increases priests’ wages” in Horrox, The Black Death, 311

[15] Ibid., 312

[16] “The statute of labourers,” 312

[17] Ibid.

[18] “A selection of cases from Lincolnshire,” in Horrox, The Black Death, 320

[19] Ibid.

[20] Ibid.